全文获取类型
收费全文 | 270篇 |
免费 | 24篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 46篇 |
工人农民 | 11篇 |
世界政治 | 32篇 |
外交国际关系 | 7篇 |
法律 | 115篇 |
中国政治 | 9篇 |
政治理论 | 73篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 13篇 |
2019年 | 13篇 |
2018年 | 17篇 |
2017年 | 19篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 8篇 |
2014年 | 18篇 |
2013年 | 54篇 |
2012年 | 13篇 |
2011年 | 9篇 |
2010年 | 7篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 6篇 |
2007年 | 12篇 |
2006年 | 8篇 |
2005年 | 9篇 |
2004年 | 6篇 |
2003年 | 7篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 4篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有294条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
121.
Nick Couldry 《Citizenship Studies》2014,18(6-7):615-629
This article explores the possibilities for new forms of ‘digital citizenship’ currently emerging through digitally supported processes of narrative exchange. Using Dahlgren's (Dahlgren, P. 2003. “Reconfiguring Civic Culture in the New Media Milieu.” In Media and the Restyling of Politics, edited by J. Corner, and D. Pels, 151–170. London: Sage; Dahlgren, P. 2009. Media and Political Engagement. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.) circuit of ‘civic culture’ as a model for exploring the interlinking preconditions for new acts of citizenship, we discuss the contrasting outcomes of research at three fieldwork sites in the North of England – educational (a sixth form college), civil society (a community reporters' network) and social (a local club). Each site provided clear evidence of the elements of Dahlgren's circuit (some depending on the intensive use of digital infrastructure, others predating it), but there were also breaks in the circuit that constrained its effectiveness. A crucial factor in each case for building a lasting circuit of civic culture (and an effective base for new forms of digital citizenship) is the role that digital infrastructure can play in extending the scale of interactions beyond the purely local. 相似文献
122.
Nick O'brien 《The Journal of legal history》2013,34(1):39-61
Sir Paul Vinogradoff is widely regarded as the intellectual heir of Sir Henry Maine. As such, he is implicated with Maine in the failure of historical jurisprudence to displace Austinian positivism at the heart of English legal theory. Yet Vinogradoff was of a different generation and intellectual provenance from Maine. By examining the relationship between Vinogradoff's historical jurisprudence and the work of the celebrated German historian Theodor Mommsen, this article aims to reaffirm the distinctiveness of Vinogradoff's contribution to English jurisprudence. It finds at the core of that contribution a Germanic commitment to ‘science’ and ‘method’ that proves both a strength and a weakness in the common law world of the time, and so reflects something of the character of that broader world itself. 相似文献
123.
The transposing of the 1977 Acquired Rights Directive into UK law has resulted in prolonged uncertainty regarding whether its protection of terms and conditions of employment extends to workers transferred under compulsory competitive tendering (CCT). In this paper we examine briefly the origins and scope of the directive and the development of relevant case law. We then report the results of a survey of employers confirming the existence of widespread confusion over the legal position of transferred employees. We also provide evidence that terms and conditions of employment are commonly being revised following CCT transfers. Concentrating upon the responses of contractors we show that any experience of litigation tends to lead to a less favourable assessment of the overall success of CCT. We conclude by examining both the causes and consequences of the continuing legal confusion associated with CCT transfers and consider the policy implications of our findings. 相似文献
124.
125.
Psychopathy has long been framed as a special challenge in criminal justice contexts, in part due to the supposedly untreatable nature of psychopathic offenders. Indeed, previous failed attempts to ‘treat’ this particular group have resulted in a widespread pessimism about treatment efficacy amongst correctional professionals. This pessimism has focused on the inherent unchangeable nature of psychopathic traits, especially those associated with Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (PCL-R) Factor 1 items and the challenge of developing an effective therapeutic alliance with hostile, manipulative offenders. It is argued that this negative stance is neither unanimous nor justified because of poor consistency of population definition and methodological problems with structural and functional attributes of traditional treatment approaches. This article describes an experimental intervention – the High-Risk Personality Programme (HRPP) – a New Zealand prison-based group intensive treatment programme designed to reduce violence with a psychopathic group, and create opportunities to devise rehabilitative solutions with a challenging group. 相似文献
126.
127.
The longstanding emphasis on the neighbourhood as a scale for intervention and action has given rise to a variety of forms of governance with a number of different rationales. The predominant rationales about the purpose of neighbourhood governance are encapsulated in a fourfold typology developed by Lowndes and Sullivan (2008). This article sets out to test this approach by drawing on an evaluation of neighbourhood initiatives in the City of Westminster which were delivered through a third sector organisation, the Paddington Development Trust. ‘Insider’ perspectives gathered at city and neighbourhood levels regarding the infrastructure for neighbourhood management are discussed and evaluated in the light of these rationales. The conclusions, while broadly reflecting Lowndes and Sullivan and a follow-up study of Manchester, suggest that in Westminster the civic and economic rationales tend to predominate. However, the Westminster approach is contingent on the prevailing ethos and funding regimes at central and local levels and remains relatively detached from mainstream services. While community empowerment is an important part of the policy rhetoric, it is argued that in practice a ‘strategy of containment’ operates whereby residents in the neighbourhoods have relatively little control over targets and resources and that new governance mechanisms can be relatively easily de-coupled when required. In retrospect, co-production might have been a more effective model for neighbourhood governance, not least given its fit with policy direction. 相似文献
128.
Catherine Fieschi Nick Johnson 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(1):86-101
This piece examines the relationship of Muslim communities to the UK mainstream between 2005 and 2010. Using the dual backdrop of the country's embedded multiculturalism policy and its counter-terrorism strategy implemented through the Prevent agenda, the authors brush a picture of a tense yet ultimately resilient relationship. While Prevent was often accused of leading to a securitisation of community policy, it is arguable that tensions have led to increased visibility and leadership capacity from the Muslim community, and a recognition of their role and diversity on behalf of the public and the government. 相似文献
129.
Hannah Lena Merdian Cate Curtis Jo Thakker Nick Wilson Douglas Pieter Boer 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2013,19(1):121-132
Abstract The internet has opened up opportunities for non-contact sex offending, such as the viewing of child pornography. This paper proposes a model for the classification of child pornography offenders as an aid for their assessment and treatment, deducted from empirical studies and existing typologies for child pornography offenders. Different subgroups of child pornography offenders may be described according to three dimensions: (1) type of offending, (2) the motivation behind child pornography offending and (3) the situational and social engagement in the offending behaviour. Distinct pathways of child pornography offending can be identified, related to differing criminogenic needs, severity of offending, and appropriate assessment and treatment strategies for the offenders. 相似文献
130.
Nick Sharman 《社会征候学》2013,23(1):85-105
Martin Luther King, Jr is the most recognisable face of the black Civil Rights movement in America in the 1950s and 1960s. His ‘I’ have a Dream’ speech, given in 1963 as part of the march on Washington, has been identified as a key moment in American history, beyond just its importance to the Civil Rights movement. King's lasting place in American history has recently been codified in the declaration of his birthday as a National Holiday by the Reagan Administration in 1986. Unlike other Civil Rights leaders, King gained support from black and white communities for his program of change. In fact, King's major successes in gaining Presidential support for Civil Rights Bills in 1964 and 1965 resulted from his ability to win the support of Northern white liberals for Federal intervention in Southern race relations. Although considerable work has been done on the methods through which King's campaigns sought to tap white support for Civil Rights, scant attention has been given to one of the central vehicles through which King was able to mobilise white support, his language. Despite the publication of two recent studies on King's rhetoric, (Miller 1992; Lischer 1995) scholars have largely ignored King's rhetoric as a source of study. In this paper, I seek to fill some of this gap by analysing the key rhetorical strategies King employs to win support from his predominantly white audience in his speech ‘Remaining Awake Through a Great Revolution’. 相似文献