全文获取类型
收费全文 | 283篇 |
免费 | 22篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 47篇 |
工人农民 | 12篇 |
世界政治 | 32篇 |
外交国际关系 | 8篇 |
法律 | 115篇 |
中国政治 | 9篇 |
政治理论 | 81篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 12篇 |
2019年 | 14篇 |
2018年 | 17篇 |
2017年 | 20篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 9篇 |
2014年 | 18篇 |
2013年 | 57篇 |
2012年 | 13篇 |
2011年 | 9篇 |
2010年 | 8篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 8篇 |
2007年 | 12篇 |
2006年 | 8篇 |
2005年 | 10篇 |
2004年 | 7篇 |
2003年 | 7篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 4篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有305条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
http://www.svmedialaw.com/ By Cathy Kirkman, 24 October 2004,California Archive (Thematic) As the name suggests, the Silicon Valley Media Law Blog providesa commentary on media law developments in the US. In particular,it follows new legal decisions and legislation that might affectthose in the arena of music 相似文献
2.
3.
The 'No' majorities in two referendums on European Community/Union (EC/EU) membership have set clear formal limits to Norway's participation in European integration. However, pro-EU parliamentary majorities have tended to produce governments that seek as close cooperation with the EU as possible. This involves a kind of quasi-membership of the EU, particularly in the light of cooperation beyond the limits of the European Economic Area (EEA). The result has been a 'Norwegian method' of European integration that combines access to the Single Market with efforts to 'purchase' participation in other policy areas and adapt to changing EU policies, legislation and treaties. Given the supranational character of the EU's Single Market rules, this kind of quasi-membership goes considerably further than non-members' participation in most other international organisations. Although the EEA system has worked to the parties' satisfaction, Norway's efforts to keep up with a changing Single Market, maintain the institutions in the face of treaty change and enlargement, and accommodate new developments pertaining to the EU's second and third pillars represent considerable challenges to the Norwegian method of integration. 相似文献
4.
James R. Tilley 《Political studies》2005,53(2):442-453
This research note explores the mechanisms behind age differences and changes over time in one of the two major value dimensions in British politics, libertarian-authoritarianism. I show that the British electorate has become substantially more libertarian over the last 30 years, but that older people have remained more authoritarian than younger people over this period. Conventionally, due to the problem of the under-identification of models containing age, period and cohort variables, it is difficult to assess whether this indicates generational differences, and generational change, or not. This paper overcomes some of these problems however, by measuring social ageing factors, such as marriage, and using panel data to rigorously assess how individuals change due to these social ageing factors. I find little evidence of psychologists' claims that social ageing leads to increases in authoritarianism, and conclude that both age differences and changes over time are generational in nature. 相似文献
5.
Nick Vaughan-Williams 《Citizenship Studies》2005,9(2):167-179
In The Transformation of Political Community (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998) Andrew Linklater suggests that he and Jacques Derrida share a “vision in which the totalising project is brought to an end” (pp. 74–75). However, the concept of citizenship acts as a prism through which Linklater and Derrida diverge radically. Linklater defends a dialogic conception of cosmopolitan citizenship in pursuit of more inclusive political arrangements. For Derrida, on the other hand, the future of the political requires radical openness to the coming of a universal alliance or solidarity beyond or in protest against citizenship. This article explores the divergence: first, to call into question Linklater's self-emplacement; second, to open up new angles of critique of his vision expressed in The Transformation of Political Community; and third, to emphasise the force of the Derridean argument. 相似文献
6.
This article focuses on whether the provision of 'objectively' correct information to voters about where parties stand on an issue affects their placement of the parties, and ultimately their own position, on that issue. Classic theories of how mass publics make voting decisions assume that voters are able relatively accurately to place themselves and the parties on various issue dimensions. While these assumptions have been challenged, it is generally assumed that the provision of new information makes voters' placements more informed. We explicitly test this idea using a survey experiment focusing on one political issue – European integration. In the experiment, all respondents were twice asked to place the three main British parties and themselves on a bipolar scale of European integration. This was done towards the beginning, and then at the end of the survey. Most respondents were also given information on the 'informed' positions of the parties, derived from expert survey placement. Our analyses indicate that individuals' placements did change, and the tendency was related to both political sophistication and the inherent difficulty of placing the party. Only less sophisticated voters updated their placements, and these changes are concentrated on the placement of the Labour party, where the elite stance on Europe has been more conflicted. For all respondents we do not detect any corresponding changes in self-placement that would be congruent with 'cueing' effects. 相似文献
7.
8.
9.
10.