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Nick Sunderland M.D. Sophia Wong M.D. Carol K. Lee M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(Z1):S281-S284
Suicidal insulin overdoses are an under‐recognized and uncommon cause of death, often relying on scene and nonspecific autopsy findings. Here, we present a case report of a fatal exogenous insulin overdose in a patient with type 1 diabetes. In our case, there were no contributory autopsy findings; however, serum analog aspart insulin levels were c. 10× the predicted therapeutic upper limit (4000, reference 6.6–55 uU/mL), which correlated with scene findings. This was specifically determined by a newly developed immunocapture liquid chromatography–tandem mass spectrometry assay, able to discriminate between various synthetic insulin analogs. Total insulin levels by immunoassay were highly elevated on the Siemens Advia Centaur, but not the Roche platforms (4741 vs. 5.2 uU/mL, respectively), showing variable sensitivity of detection within the same analog depending on assay. We discuss the prevalence and features to look for at autopsy in these types of cases. Additionally, analytical options for testing insulin levels, including new methodologies, guidance on collection of samples, as well as an outline of available historical reference range data are discussed. 相似文献
164.
Nick O'Brien 《The Political quarterly》2021,92(1):40-47
This article considers the relationship between law and democratic politics as manifest in the practice of ‘street‐level bureaucracy’. By glancing back to debates about citizenship and public administration between the two world wars, it sets contemporary concerns about the political constitution in broader context. In doing so, it discloses a fundamental division between conceptions of the state derived from Roman jurisprudence on the one hand, and ancient Athenian political practice on the other. It finds in the tragic dilemmas posed for street‐level bureaucrats—by the competing claims on their values—a test of individual moral agency and of democracy as the management of diversity. It concludes that what is at stake in our estimation of street‐level bureaucracy is not so much the purity of the ‘judicial mind’ as the complexity of the ‘democratic soul’ and the ‘connected society’. 相似文献
165.
Nick Friedman 《The Modern law review》2020,83(2):255-284
This article argues that a common way of defending corporate criminal liability creates a dilemma: it provides a strong justification for giving human rights to corporations. This result follows from approaches to punishment and human rights which predicate each on the status of moral agency. In short, if corporations are moral agents in a sufficient sense to attract criminal liability, they are eligible holders of human rights. The article also discusses the doctrinal application of this philosophical claim. Drawing on US jurisprudence, it illustrates how the European Court of Human Rights might deploy corporate moral agency as a theoretical foundation for its otherwise weakly-reasoned attribution of human rights to corporations. If proponents of corporate criminal liability are dissatisfied with these conclusions, they face difficult policy trade-offs: they must abandon the doctrine, or adopt alternative approaches to punishment or human rights. 相似文献
166.
A significant body of literature has examined racial and ethnic inequalities in sentencing, focusing on how individual court actors make decisions, but fewer scholars have examined whether disparities are institutionalized through legal case factors. After finding racial and ethnic inequalities in pretrial detention, conviction, and incarceration based on 4 years of felony court data (N = 83,924) from Miami-Dade County, we estimate nonlinear decomposition models to examine how much of the inequalities are explained by differences in criminal history, charging, and for conviction and incarceration, pretrial detention. Results suggest that inequality is greatest between White non-Latinos and Black Latinos, followed by White non-Latinos and Black non-Latinos, ranging from 4 to more than 8 percentage points difference in the probability of pretrial detention, 7–13 points difference in conviction, 5–6 points in prison, and 4–10 points difference in jail. We find few differences between White non-Latinos and White Latinos. Between half and three-quarters of the inequality in pretrial detention, conviction, and prison sentences between White non-Latino and Black people is explained through legal case factors. Our findings indicate that inequality is, in part, institutionalized through legal case factors, suggesting these factors are not “race neutral” but instead racialized and contribute to inequalities in court outcomes. 相似文献
167.
In the aftermath of the June 2010 violence in southern Kyrgyzstan, much scholarly attention has focused on its causes. However, observers have taken little notice of the fact that while such urban areas as Osh, Jalal-Abad, and Bazar-Korgon were caught up in violence, some towns in southern Kyrgyzstan that were close to the conflict sites and had considerable conflict potential had managed to avoid the violence. Thus, while the question, “What were the causes of the June 2010 violence?” is important, we have few answers to the question, “Why did the conflict break out in some places but not others with similar conflict potential?” Located in the theoretical literature on “the local turn” within peacekeeping studies, this article is based on extensive empirical fieldwork to explore the local and micro-level dimensions of peacekeeping. It seeks to understand why and how local leaders and residents in some places in southern Kyrgyzstan managed to prevent the deadly clashes associated with Osh, Jalal-Abad, and Bazar-Korgon. The main focus of the project is on Aravan, a town with a mixed ethnic population where residents managed to avert interethnic clashes during the June 2010 unrest. The answers to the question of why violence did not occur can yield important lessons for conflict management not only for southern Kyrgyzstan, but also for the entire Central Asian region. 相似文献
168.
Nick Bernards 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(8):1831-1846
This article develops a Gramscian approach to the governance of ‘informal’ economies through a historical study of International Labour Organization (ILO) programmes in East Africa. Drawing on Gramsci’s conception of the ‘subaltern’, the article highlights the ways in which the articulation of ‘informality’ in policy documents is coloured by broader struggles over the political organisation of labour. The article develops this argument through two case studies. The first examines the World Employment Programme mission to Kenya in the 1970s that popularised the concept of ‘informal’ labour. The second is a contemporary programme on apprenticeships in the informal economy that originated in Tanzania. 相似文献
169.
Licensing of businesses by local governments is a common practice in many countries. While business licensing has its origins in regulation, it is often seen as little more than a revenue source for local government. This article reviews the potentially conflicting objectives of regulation and revenue generation, and outlines the various forms which local taxation of business has taken in a number of countries. In practice, the regulatory aspects of local business licensing in many developing countries are ineffective at best and counterproductive at worst, and there are pressures to sweep away most local business licences as part of deregulatory reform. Yet local governments in many countries are in dire need of revenue sources in order to finance local service provision. The article analyses the reforms that have been introduced to business licensing in Kenya. There, traditional business licences have been replaced with a Single Business Permit, with the twin objectives of increasing local revenues and reducing regulatory compliance costs on businesses. Initial results suggest that, while there have been some initial start‐up problems, both these objectives are being achieved. Copyright © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
170.
The literature suggests that management contracts for public services work best when payment to the contractor is performance‐related and when there is minimal involvement by government in daily management. However, as this case study of Mozambique illustrates, neither of these principles can be straightforwardly applied in management contracts for organizational reform in a developing country. First, establishing successful performance‐related payment is difficult in a contract with multiple objectives and poor information. The value in setting up performance‐related payment appears to be more in focusing the objectives of the contract than in improving the contractor's performance. Second, a virtually ‘hands on’ role is required for the government agency supervising the contract, in the numerous political, legal and staffing issues which arise. The capacity of the agency to carry out this function is critical to the performance of the contract. It faces the challenge of completing the reorganization, sustaining initial achievements and running the new system economically. There are grounds for guarded optimism. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献