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Nicola Chelotti 《European Security》2016,25(4):524-541
ABSTRACTThe European Union (EU) foreign policy has gone beyond intergovernmentalism. It is largely formulated by (Brussels-based) national officials, in a process characterised by a high number of cooperative practices, diffuse sentiments of group loyalty and possibly argumentative procedures. Yet, in many cases, the most likely output of this process reflects the lowest common denominator of states’ positions or the preferences of the biggest states. The article intends to investigate this puzzle. In the first part, it corroborates its existence by using answers from an original database of 138 questionnaires and 37 interviews with EU negotiators. Next, it argues that cooperative practices remain often subordinated to nationally oriented ways of doing things. Consequentialist practices perform an anchoring function, in that they define the parameters around which (social) practices operate. The last section looks more closely at the sites of and meanings attached to EU foreign policy-making. By discussing national diplomats’ conspicuous leeway in Brussels, it also argues that negotiating practices are performed through a mix of partial agency and persistence of national dispositions. On the whole, changing practices is difficult, even in dense and largely autonomous settings such as EU foreign policy. The social construction of EU foreign policy occurs only to a partial extent. 相似文献
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Carone Nicola Innocenzi Eleonora Lingiardi Vittorio 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2022,51(6):1210-1229
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - The impact of peer microaggressions and the child–teacher relationship on the social skills of children with sexual minority parents has received little... 相似文献
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Nicola Casarini 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(3):371-389
The Chinese arms embargo issue has gone beyond Sino-European bilateral relations to become a matter of significance – and concern – for East Asian and US policymakers. Thus, an eventual solution depends not only on the interplay between EU and Chinese policymakers’ interests and considerations, but is now interconnected with China's domestic developments and regional posture, the security concerns of China's neighbours (especially Japan and Taiwan), the evolution of US-China relations and transatlantic relations. 相似文献
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Nicola Casarini 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(3):122-129
Chinese leaders tend to think strategically about Europe. By following the process of European integration closely in the last decades, they have succeeded in identifying at different historical junctures those European integration initiatives that would serve China’s national security and foreign policy objectives. EU policymakers, instead, appear unable to think strategically about China as EU member states tend to focus on bilateral relations with Beijing, thus undermining Brussels’ capacity to fashion a clear and coherent China policy. There is thus a glaring disparity between Beijing and Brussels when it comes to strategic thinking. With China’s economic and political rebalancing towards Europe underway, there has never been more need for an adequate response from the Union. 相似文献
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The European Convention on the Future of Europe was initially presented as a turning point in the history of European integration. This article argues that, although its composition was broader, its process more transparent and its rules more flexible than classic intergovernmental conferences, the Convention was not Europe's Philadelphia. Since it took place under the shadow of the IGC and under a leadership especially sensitive to the positions of big member states, the Convention reproduced, by extension, the logic of intergovernmental bargains. Nevertheless, some of the Convention's outcome – the most formal aspects of its draft treaty with less predictable distributional consequences – can be explained by the ‘social norm’ of constitutional deliberation conveyed by its president and supported by a majority of its members. 相似文献
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The article aims to describe the role of technology and contractin regulating access to digital content deregulating intellectualproperty law monopoly. In particular it argues that the anti-circumventionprovisions for technological protection measures and digitalrights management systems enacted in the United States and inEurope compromise the consumers capacity to exerciselegitimate rights, such as the private use exemption, by givingcontent owners extralegal protection for their works. It alsoanalyses how these acts have caused an inappropriate delegationof governmental decision making to a non-governmental entitywith a consequent privatization of the governments rolein protecting intellectual property and in setting technicalstandards for digital infrastructure and interoperability. 相似文献