首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   322篇
  免费   5篇
各国政治   14篇
工人农民   12篇
世界政治   20篇
外交国际关系   13篇
法律   153篇
政治理论   111篇
综合类   4篇
  2019年   3篇
  2018年   6篇
  2017年   6篇
  2016年   4篇
  2014年   4篇
  2013年   43篇
  2012年   5篇
  2011年   7篇
  2010年   9篇
  2008年   12篇
  2007年   7篇
  2006年   6篇
  2005年   6篇
  2004年   11篇
  2003年   8篇
  2002年   10篇
  2001年   7篇
  2000年   4篇
  1999年   2篇
  1998年   4篇
  1997年   15篇
  1996年   4篇
  1995年   6篇
  1994年   6篇
  1993年   2篇
  1992年   4篇
  1991年   7篇
  1990年   7篇
  1989年   13篇
  1988年   5篇
  1987年   6篇
  1986年   7篇
  1985年   5篇
  1984年   8篇
  1983年   7篇
  1982年   5篇
  1981年   5篇
  1980年   3篇
  1979年   3篇
  1978年   2篇
  1977年   4篇
  1976年   5篇
  1975年   2篇
  1974年   3篇
  1973年   2篇
  1972年   4篇
  1971年   6篇
  1968年   2篇
  1967年   4篇
  1966年   2篇
排序方式: 共有327条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
211.
Recent years have witnessed a considerable growth in legislation and litigation concerning religion. This article examines the implications of the latest change, namely the abolition of the offences of blasphemy and blasphemous libel by section 79 of the Criminal Justice and Immigration Act 2008. First, the article provides the context by examining what has been lost, analysing the ambit of the offence, focussing on litigation in the twentieth century both in domestic courts and at the European Court of Human Rights. Second, the article seeks to explore why blasphemy has been abolished now, scrutinizing five developments that led to the abolition. The article concludes by examining the extent to which the criminal law continues to protect religious beliefs and believers, contending that while the body of the blasphemy laws is dead, its soul lives on in a plethora of other criminal laws and, more problematically, in non‐legal means of control.  相似文献   
212.
Reporting from a nondemocratic land presents problems for American journalists and researchers. This is particularly true of a traditional monarchy, such as Jordan, where all important decisions are ultimately the prerogative of the monarch. The underlying political reality is as complex as in a democratic society. This reality is just more difficult to discern. In Jordan government officials reflect the current thinking of the monarch. This study provides a view into the complex fabric of Jordanian political reality through interviews with government officials, prominent private citizens with high‐level connections, and former opposition figures. The interviews focus on crucial areas of foreign and domestic policy.  相似文献   
213.
214.
215.
216.
217.
Abstract. It does not appear, at this time, that the average citizen's position vis-á-vis federal administrative agencies has been improved under the Federal Court Act (1970). For one thing, as might be expected, the Act does not require boards, beyond the rules of natural justice, to conduct their hearings according to certain minimum standards of procedure. In addition, it attempts to prohibit a role Canaidan courts have claimed to review the decisions of boards and commissions that are administrative in nature. Of course, in non-discretionary matters the prerogative writs are still available, although original jurisdiction in their issuance has been given exclusively to the itinerant Trial Division of the Federal Court. Under the Act, the Federal Court of Appeal is given original jurisdiction to review and set aside judicial or quasi-judicial decisions on certain grounds. But two of the grounds are substantially similar to those on which the prerogative remedies are issued. The final ground must await judicial interpretation for clarification. Its loose wording permits numerous possibilities for construction. If given a broad interpretation, certain expert and impartial boards will be, in effect, superseded in much of their decision-making power by the Court of Appeal. Sommaire. A l'heure actuelle, il ne semble pas que la position du citoyen moyen face aux agences administratives fédérates ait été améliorée par la Loi sur les tribunaux fédéraux (1970). Tout d'abord, comme on pourrait s'y attendre, la Loi n'oblige pas les conseils à observer des normes minimales de procédure dans la tenue des audiences en dehors du respect des règies de la justice humaine. Par ailleurs, elle cherch à priver les tribunaux canadiens d'un rôle qu'ils avaient assumé: la révision des décisions des conseils et commissions de caractère administratif. Bien sûr, dans les questions non-discrétionnaires, les recours à l'ordonnance émise en vertu de la prérogative royale existent toujours mais c'est uniquement à la section itinérante du tribunal fédéral que revient la juridiction originale pour leur émission. En vertu de cette Loi, la Cour d'appel fédérale détient la juridiction originale pour réviser et casser les décisions judiciaires ou quasi-judiciaires pour certains motifs. Deux des motifs ressemblent beaucoup à ceux qui permettent les recours en vertu de la prérogative royale. Le motif d'appel en dernier ressort ne pourra être éclairci qu'après interprétation judiciaire. Le texte est rédigé de façon si vague qu'il se prête à de nombreuses interprétations. S'il est pris dans un sens général, certains tribunaux experts et impartiaux verront en effect leurs décisions dépendre en grande partie de la Cour d'appel.  相似文献   
218.
This article attempts two parallel tasks. First, it gives a sympathetic explication of the implicit working methodology ('Methodological Rawlsianism') of mainstream contemporary political theory in the English-speaking world. And second, principally in footnotes, it surveys the recent literature on justification to see what light these debates cast on the tenets of this methodology. It is worth examining methodological presuppositions because these can have a profound influence on substantive theories: many of the differences between philosophical traditions can be traced to their methodologies. My aim is to expose the central features of methodological Rawlsianism in order to challenge critics of this tradition to explain exactly where and why they depart from the method. While I do not defend it at length, I do suggest that methodological Rawlsianism is inevitable insofar as it is basically a form of common sense. This fact should probably lower expectations about the amount of progress consistent methodological Rawlsians are likely to make in grounding comprehensive normative political theories.  相似文献   
219.
220.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号