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排序方式: 共有1106条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
21.
This paper re‐examines the Lardy—Donnithorne debate in the provincial context of Guangdong. The study period is from 1949 to 1992. In the first place, the adequacy of provincial capital investment is evaluated against its population and national income shares. Secondly, it examines the capital construction investment from the administrative perspective with capital construction projects classified into central, ministry‐supported and local projects. Thirdly, it looks at the relationship from the financial perspective through a breakdown of capital construction investment by sources of investment funds, that is, state appropriation, domestic loans, foreign investment and self‐raised funds and others. Fourthly, the central‐local relationship is scrutinized through the fiscal relationship between the central and Guangdong governments. Lastly, extra‐budgetary funds data, whenever available, are also analyzed. The paper finds that the centripetal and centrifugal forces in Guangdong have always been in dynamic and precarious balance both before and after the Open Policy.  相似文献   
22.
During the periods of July‐August 1995 and mid‐March 1996, China initiated a series of missile tests and military exercises in the Taiwan Strait, and the mainland for many was considered responsible for the rising tensions across the Taiwan Strait. But, Southeast Asian countries held Taiwan responsible for stimulating the mainland's military actions because of the island's claim for independence. Why? There are three different theoretical arguments on this issue, i.e. those of political primacy, economic determinism, and the separation of politics and economics. This paper contends that the principle of separation of politics and economics is the policy that Southeast Asian countries pursue in developing their relations with the PRC and the ROC, i.e. maintaining official and full‐scale relations with the PRC, but keeping unofficial and economic links with Taiwan. Therefore, for Southeast Asian countries, the PRC's military exercises in the Taiwan Strait were a political and not an economic problem, and one between the mainland and Taiwan. This is the key factor in explaining attitudes in Southeast Asian nations toward the Taiwan Strait crisis.  相似文献   
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The economic rise of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) inevitably leads to a redistribution of power in the international system. Chinese leaders today accord a considerable priority to this group, and there are elements of realism, liberalism/institutionalism and constructivism in their approach. This article intends to study China's policy towards BRICS and examine the above elements so as to better understand how the Chinese leadership perceives China's role in the international system, and how it seeks to articulate its interests and enhance its influence.  相似文献   
26.
Based on the targets given in the development plans and the national income data of twenty‐two tropical Africa countries in the late 1960s, this paper finds a wide consensus among the planners on the structural determinants of the macro variables selected as plan targets, so that difference in targets can be explained largely by the different values assumed by these determinants in the sample countries. The implementation record was poor, and may be traced in part to a domino effect inherent in the recursive structure of target selection. The analysis of the causes of implementation failure shows that most of the causes lie outside of the competence of the planners. Alternative methods to calculate plan targets are not likely to meet with superior fulfilment results.  相似文献   
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Yip PS  Liu KY  Law CK 《危机》2008,29(3):131-136
Suicide is an important public health problem in China: It is the fifth leading cause of death in China, and suicide in China accounts for over 30% of the world's overall suicide deaths. The substantial burden due to suicide has not been well recognized. This study aims to provide an estimate of the socioeconomic burden of the suicide problem in China in terms of years of life lost (YLL) and to discuss its implications. Suicide rates and the related YLL by age, gender, and region (urban/rural) from 1990 to 2000 were estimated using the most recent data from the Ministry of Health of China. The suicide rate in rural China was three times higher than that in urban areas. Suicide completers in rural areas shared 90% of total YLL. Rural women aged 25-39 years contributed the largest share of YLL. Our results show that some population subgroups contributed a disproportionate share to the disease burden of suicide. National strategies for suicide prevention should include targeted programs in catering the need of these specified subgroups in China.  相似文献   
29.
In 2005 Indonesian and European institutes joined to start the first step for the implementation of an Ocean Operational System in the Indonesian archipelago. The system will support the decision making process for the sustainable use of marine resources, providing useful information and added value products as well as a service for an improved management of the sea with high business impact to targeted groups as public authorities and commercial operators (coastal managers, fishermen, shipping companies). In this paper the System is shortly described with its potential benefits and economic and social impacts.
A. Ribotti (Corresponding author)Email:
R. Sorgente
A. Hanggono
G. M. R. Manzella
N. Hendiarti
L. Fusco
T. R. Adi
Y. S. Djajadihardja
A. R. Farhan
M. C. G. Frederik
W. F. Ma’ruf
B. Realino
V. Rupolo
P. Ruti
M. Sadly
F. Syamsudin
B. A. Subki
  相似文献   
30.
Visas and work permits: Possible global negotiating initiatives   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
We discuss global options for initiatives intended to ameliorate adverse impacts of visa and work permit systems used by national governments around the world. We first describe and document some of their effects, noting the relative lack of other research work on these issues. We then discuss proposals for a new and supplemental global visa structure which have been made as part of the Mode 4 GATS negotiations in the WTO, suggesting that the GATS/WTO may be an imperfect institutional location for negotiating on these matters. We then evaluate other approaches, including what realistically could be possible if a new body specifically created for global negotiation in the area were to be used.
John WhalleyEmail:
  相似文献   
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