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171.
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The authors introduce a group of essays that evolved from a March 2003 symposium on the path-breaking new partnership and use of interest-based negotiation (IBN) at Kaiser Permanente (KP), one of the largest integrated health care programs in the United States. They briefly trace the history of the IBN approach (both success stories and failures); the growth of this phenomenon; and its use in collective bargaining settings. The KP case, the focus of the symposium (which was jointly sponsored by MIT's Institute for Work and Employment Relations and Harvard's Program on Negotiation), is by far the largest instance of the use of IBN in U.S. labor relations history. 相似文献
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Jelly’s Place: An Ethnographic Memoir 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Elijah Anderson 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2005,19(1-2):35-52
This is a report of a field experience in retrospect. An ethnographic study of black streetcorner men, it was conducted in
the early 1970s among the patrons of Jelly’s Place, a bar and liquor store on the South Side of Chicago. The 55 men came repeatedly
to Jelly’s corner and created a local social stratification system. The focus of the study was the way in which they made
and remade their local status system in everyday life. This document describes the field work experience which led me to focus
on this particular sociological issue and to represent the social dynamics of the group. 相似文献
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176.
David O. Friedrichs 《Critical Criminology》1992,3(2):5-21
More than virtually any other realm of criminological scholarship, white collar crime study is plagued by unresolved definitional, conceptual, and typological issues. The present confused and contradictory invocations of the core terminology pertaining to white collar crime introduce a significant element of incoherence into the field. In this paper the seminal origins of the concept of white collar crime, in the work of E. A. Ross and E. H. Sutherland, are explored. The principal elements of subsequent efforts to define white collar crime are identified. It is claimed that a war of white collar criminologists' has emerged, principally pitting critical white collar criminologists against positivist white collar criminologists. Some of the strengths and weaknesses of each of the principal constituencies in this definitional war are examined. The paper concludes with the argument that the concept of white collar crime is defined on three different levels—presentational, typological, and operational —and that any definition of white collar crime is meaningful only in relation to its stated purpose. 相似文献
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Efrén O. Pérez 《American journal of political science》2015,59(3):549-564
Though political scientists generally understand the origins of native‐born reactions to foreigners, less is known about how anti‐immigrant contexts trigger a political response within immigrant groups. I address this question by studying the connection between xenophobic rhetoric and Latino politics. I claim that xenophobic rhetoric raises the salience of ethnic identity and impugns its worth. This identity threat leads high‐identifying group members to engage in political efforts that assert their group's positive value, whereas low identifiers shun political opportunities to bolster their group's devaluation. I test these claims with an experiment embedded in a nationally representative opinion survey of Latino adults. In light of xenophobic rhetoric, I find that relative to low identifiers, high‐identifying Latinos become less politically trusting, more ethnocentric, and increasingly supportive of policies that emphasize ingroup pride. These results clarify xenophobic rhetoric's role in amplifying the influence of ethnic identity on immigrant politics. 相似文献
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Oğuzhan Göksel 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2015,42(4):655-675
In recent years, Azerbaijan–Israel relations have come to the foreground of politics in the Middle East and Caucasus region. Ties between Baku and Tel Aviv have been directly interlinked with their relations with Iran. The nature of the Azerbaijan–Israel partnership must be analysed in order to comprehend the balance of powers and energy security in the region. Even though there have been a number of works analysing the relationship by focusing on its role in regional military security, there is a gap in the discourse in terms of understanding the economic drivers of relations and the implications of the ties for regional energy security. Particular attention will be given to discussing Azerbaijan’s emerging role as a major energy producer that has already made a profound impact on the region as an ‘alternative’ to Iran in the aftermath of the recently imposed sanctions on Tehran's energy exports. It will be argued that the Azerbaijan–Israel relationship is built on solid economic grounds and it would be reasonable to expect the strength of the ties to be further intensified in the future. The article will also demonstrate that new developments in the energy security of the wider Middle Eastern region will affect the evolution of Azerbaijan–Israel ties and their rivalry with Iran in the next decade. 相似文献