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81.
AbstractNational-populist parties display a discourse based on the defense of the national integrity. However, in the current European context, these parties have to deal with an increasing cultural heterogeneity, new forms of citizenship, and multi-scaling arenas. How does national-populism develop its narratives in these settings? The paper elaborates a framework for understanding the way in which ambiguity is included in the discursive strategies of national-populists. Through the Critical Discourse Analysis approach, the contribution will focus on the analysis of the discourses produced by three parties located at the Swiss-Italian border at the time of the referendum campaign for the 2014 Swiss initiative “Against Mass Immigration.” 相似文献
82.
The paper aims to provide a framework for understanding the global impact
of the rise of the “Second World” (emerging powers, such as BRICS) brought about
by globalization and the transformation of international relations and international
political economy. The paper takes the point of departure from one of Gramsci’s key
conceptual categories and analytical apparatus, e.g. “hegemony,” to explore the extent
that the upsurge of the emerging powers has reshaped the terrain and parameters of
social, economic and political relations both at the national and global levels, and has
exerted pressure on the existing international order in terms of both opportunities and
constraints. The paper intends to examine the dialectical nexus between the role of the
emerging powers as a counter-hegemonic, socio-economic and socio-political force
for a new world order. The paper’s analytical approach is to combine neo-Gramscian
hegemony theories with critical post-hegemony theories. The conclusion of the
paper is to suggest that in an era of globalization and transformational capitalism it is
impossible for the emerging powers to establish an alternative independent hegemony;
rather, the world will witness a new era of “interdependent hegemony,” in which
both the “First World” and the “Second World” are intertwined in a constant process
of shaping and reshaping the world order in the nexus of national interest, regional
orientation, common economic and political agendas, security alliance and potential
confl icts. 相似文献
83.
When the popular initiative “against mass immigration” was accepted by the Swiss people and cantons on 9 February 2014, Ticino had by far the highest approval rate. The Italian‐speaking canton thus once more confirmed its singular position, assumed since the 1990s, on popular votes regarding immigration and foreign policy. This seems to be indicative of wider crises and changes in both the economic and political spheres that have favoured the emergence of a political opposition between centre and periphery. The results of a survey among 1400 citizens of Ticino after the vote of 9 February confirm this. In essence, on top of the question of immigration, the vote was influenced by a fearful perception of Ticino as a “double periphery” vis‐à‐vis both Berne and Lombardy. 相似文献
84.
85.
Oscar Couwenberg 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2001,12(3):253-273
Extensive research on bankruptcy still has not made it possible to end the efficiency discussion concerning the need for a reorganization provision in bankruptcy laws. In this paper, I discuss the pervasiveness of asset sales in bankruptcy procedures and the effect it has on survival rates. Without these figures on going concern asset sales Western countries show astonishingly low firm survival rates. In addition, it becomes clear that the bankruptcy system in the US may be under-researched to such an extent that it seriously confounds our view of bankruptcy resolution. 相似文献
86.
87.
Sander Chan Paula Ellinger Oscar Widerberg 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2018,18(1):135-152
The importance of actions by non-state and sub-national actors (e.g., companies and cities) is increasingly recognized, because current governmental commitments are insufficient to limit the increase of global temperatures to 1.5 °C. Orchestration, the alignment between ‘orchestrator’ (e.g., international organizations and governments) and ‘intermediaries’ (e.g., city networks and partnerships), could harness additional contributions by building catalytic linkages and by enabling a growing number of actions. Although most orchestration efforts have been made in the context of international climate negotiations, regional and national orchestration could be useful by contributing to the implementation of national commitments, and by inspiring greater ambition. We investigate whether and how regional and national orchestrators respond to shortfalls in international orchestration. Using insights from a comparative study, we provide an early indication of the catalytic potential of orchestration in Latin America, Europe, India, Argentina, and Sweden. We find considerable impacts of global level orchestration on the emergence of these initiatives, however orchestrators do not simply copy other efforts; they emphasize different catalytic linkages, including the engagement of underrepresented actors; implementation; and, the provision of ideational and material support. Catalytic linkages in a complex landscape with multiple orchestrators could sometimes be improved through coordination. Given the enormous scale of transformation needed, a focus on scale may seem natural. However, for socially just outcomes, orchestrators need to resist a sole focus on scale, and also aim at experimental and small-scale actions, which may not lead to immediate large-scale impacts but which may prove crucial in longer-term transformations. 相似文献
88.
Pichini S Puig C Zuccaro P Marchei E Pellegrini M Murillo J Vall O Pacifici R García-Algar O 《Forensic science international》2005,153(1):59-65
For the first time in Europe, the "Meconium Project" aimed to estimate the prevalence of drug use by pregnant women and the effects of exposure to illicit drugs during pregnancy on the fetus and infant. Between October 2002 and February 2004, 1151 (79%) dyads among the 1439 mother-infant dyads from the Hospital del Mar, Barcelona, Spain, met eligibility criteria and agreed to participate in the study. We present preliminary results on the first 830 meconium samples and 549 mother-infant dyads, for which statistical analysis of socio-economic and demographic characteristics and newborn somatometry was completed. The meconium analysis showed an overall 7.9% positivity for drugs of abuse, with 6-monoacetylmorphine and cocaine being the analytes, most frequently found in samples positive for opiates and cocaine. Structured interview disclosed 1.3, 1.8 and 1.3% of mothers exposed to opiates, cocaine and both drugs, while only one mother declared ecstasy consumption. Meconium analysis showed that prevalence of opiates, cocaine and combined drugs exposure was 8.7, 4.4 and 2.2%, respectively, and confirmed the case of ecstasy use. Arecoline, the main areca nut alkaloid, was found in meconium specimens from four Asiatic newborns, whose mothers declared beetle nut consumption during pregnancy. Parental ethnicity was not associated with drug use, nor was the social class, although a higher tendency toward drug consumption was observed in professional and partly skilled mothers. Drug consuming mothers showed a higher number of previous pregnancies and abortions (p<0.05) when compared to non-consumer mothers (meconium negative test), probably due to a lack of family planning. Consumption of opiates and cocaine during pregnancy was associated with active tobacco smoking, a higher number of smoked cigarettes and cannabis use. Exposure status and smoking behavior correlated with significantly lower birth weight in newborns from mothers exposed only to cocaine and to opiates and cocaine simultaneously. Of the four newborns exposed to arecoline, one showed a low birth weight, low intrauterine growth, hyporeflexia and hypotonia. 相似文献
89.
90.
Oscar Mazzoleni 《Swiss Political Science Review》1999,5(3):79-95
L'objectif de cet article est de rendre compte du processus d'intégration de la Lega dei Ticinesi dans la démocratie de concordance. Le processus d'intégration de ce mouvement populiste se manifeste au niveau organisationnel, des formes d'action, mais aussi sur le plan de la participation au système politique et des rapports qu'elle établit avec le premier parti du canton. Ainsi, à l'intérieur de la Ligue, une aile pragmatique s'est développée à côté de l'aile radicale originaire. Toutefois, ce processus d'intégration présente ses limites dans la structure du parti qui laisse toujours beaucoup de marge d'action au président de la Lega, dans la nature de la coalition gouvernementale et dans les incertitudes liées à perception de la crise économique du canton. 相似文献