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791.
Connie P. Mauney 《Politics & Policy》1995,23(3):443-461
In recent years the Rehnquist Court's interpretation of the religion clauses has been characterized chiefly by division and uncertainty. In numerous opinions, various members of the Court have defended and challenged traditional definitions and tests applied by earlier courts to First Amendment free exercise and establishment clause issues. By the mid-1990s the wide divergence of views revealed a fractured Court with little or no leadership on the part of the Chief Justice. The religion cases examined in this article illustrate how the Court has incrementally modified constitutional law. Selective analysis of judicial opinions supports the conclusion that the justices have often distinguished precedents and reevaluated Courtmade tests, producing results in individual decisions that adhere to no distinct pattern. The Rehnquist Court, while frequently challenging traditional interpretations, has nevertheless been reluctant to attempt basic doctrinal innovation in this area of First Amendment jurisprudence. 相似文献
792.
Robert P. Watson 《Politics & Policy》1994,22(1):139-155
While attention has been given to national environmental policies and the global environmental condition by scholars, and there is ample research addressing public opinion and attitudes on environmental issues, little research has focused on environment issues in communities and, specifically, on the forces within the local policy setting that shape environmental policy. This paper, based on a study of cities and counties in Florida, explores two concerns: identifying the level of commitment to environmental protection in communities; and identifying forces associated with communities prioritizing environmental protection. The author finds evidence that counties afford a high level of prioritization to environmental protection. Florida's communities appear to define the issue narrowly along the lines of water resources. The findings have theoretical relevance, as it was found that socioeconomic and “social quality of life” indicators tend to explain community environmental orientations and prioritization. 相似文献
793.
794.
795.
Jérémy Dodeigne 《Regional & Federal Studies》2014,24(2):151-171
This article proposes a new analytical framework for the study of political careers in multi-level systems. It is argued that the study of vertical movements between political arenas, which constitutes the prevalent methodological approach in the literature on political careers, should be complemented by the study of horizontal movements within political arenas. Based on a longitudinal analysis of individual political careers, the micro-approach developed in this article allows the comprehension of all territorial dynamics of political careers in multi-level systems. Based on an in-depth case study of all 419 Walloon careers in Belgium, four career patterns are identified: national careers, regional careers, multi-level careers and discrete careers. Although Belgium presents an integrated structure of opportunity, it is demonstrated that key evidences underline the prevalence of a regional and a national political class along a highly integrated political elites. 相似文献
796.
Gaines and Taagepera [(2013) How to operationalize two-partyness. Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties, 23(4), pp. 387–404] propose two indices of two-party competition for district-level data, both of which are alleged to be flawed. The case against them rests mainly on whether or not elections with one dominant party should be regarded as exhibiting one- or two-way competition. For those inclined to see 90–10% and 50–50% outcomes are different in kind, our indices can provide better measures than the popular effective number of parties or the “gap”. We agree that assessment of a set of outcomes, in a given election or over time, requires careful attention to the important distinction between micro-level data and aggregate measures. 相似文献
797.
Endogenous African governance systems are criticised for excluding women. This critique ignores several realities that women have played roles different from those of men. This article examines the roles that women play in endogenous governance structures of patrilineal and matrilineal ethnic groups in rural areas in Malawi on leadership, violent conflict prevention, and transformation. It argues that these endogenous governance systems inherently contain features that enable women to actively participate and play powerful leadership roles, though men dominate in terms of numbers and authority. These gender patterns do not seem to change much despite the changing political, social, and economic environment. 相似文献
798.
Compared to economics, sociology, political science, and law, the discipline of history has had a limited role in the wide‐ranging efforts to reconsider strategies of regulatory governance, especially inside regulatory institutions. This article explores how more sustained historical perspective might improve regulatory decisionmaking. We first survey how a set of American regulatory agencies currently rely on historical research and analysis, whether for the purposes of public relations or as a means of supporting policymaking. We then consider how regulatory agencies might draw on history more self‐consciously, more strategically, and to greater effect. Three areas stand out in this regard – the use of history to improve understanding of institutional culture; reliance on historical analysis to test the empirical plausibility of conceptual models that make assumptions about the likelihood of potential economic outcomes; and integration of historical research methods into program and policy evaluation. 相似文献
799.
800.
Jonathan J. Kinkel 《Law & social inquiry》2015,40(4):969-1000
Most studies of comparative judicial politics suggest that judicial autonomy emerges from democratic competition, but despite its authoritarian political system, China has introduced reforms that increase merit‐based competition, transparency, and modest professional autonomy in local courts. Variations in judicial selection procedures across urban China reflect differences in local markets for professional legal services: when mid‐ranking judges can easily find lucrative local employment as lawyers, court leaders strategically reform appointment and promotion mechanisms to retain these young, but experienced, judges. These findings are based on nearly fifteen months of in‐country fieldwork, conducted between 2012 and 2014, including forty‐nine interviews with judges across three different cities: Shanghai, Shenzhen, and Chengdu. Employing the subnational comparative method, this article not only builds theory regarding the legal profession's role in authoritarian states, but also offers new empirical detail regarding the selection, performance evaluation, and behavior of judges in urban China. 相似文献