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171.
PAUL SEAWARD 《The Political quarterly》2010,81(1):39-48
There is nothing new about the existence of a political class, nor about the electorate's distaste for paid politicians. In the middle ages, voters made clear their preference for representatives who were prepared to serve without payment; in the eighteenth century, the increase in the number of MPs paid by the state, whether in salaried posts or as sinecurists, was seen as a corrupt and pernicious extension to the influence of the crown; in the nineteenth and early twentieth century the payment of MPs by the taxpayer was widely regarded as an improper and offensive idea. The current furore over MPs' pay and expenses is another example of the intense suspicion with which MPs who have received money from the state have been regarded from the seventeenth to the twentieth century. 相似文献
172.
173.
The aim of this paper is to describe the development of criminal behavior from early adolescence to late adulthood based on conviction data for a sample of Dutch offenders. Measuring over an age span of 12 to 72, we ask whether there is evidence for (1) criminal trajectories that are distinct in terms of time path, (2) a small group of persistent offenders, (3) criminal trajectories that are distinct in the mix of crimes committed, or, more specifically, persistent offenders disproportionately engaging in violent offences, and (4) different offender groups having different social profiles in life domains other than crime. The analysis is based on the conviction histories of the Dutch offenders in the Criminal Career and Life Course Study. Four trajectory groups were identified using a semi‐parametric, group‐based model: sporadic offenders, low‐rate desisters, moderate‐rate desisters and high‐rate persisters. Analyses show that high‐rate persisters engage in crime at a very substantial rate, even after age 50. Compared to other trajectory groups the high‐rate persistent trajectory group disproportionately engages in property crimes rather than violent crimes. Also, these distinct trajectories are found to be remarkably similar across age cohorts. 相似文献
174.
ELLA BATTEN LARA CORREIA HANNAH HEDGES LAURENCE KAVANAGH EDWARD C. PAGE GREGORY PAUL ALEXANDER PHUA NICHOLAS VIVYAN CHRISTOPHER WILSON 《Public administration》2006,84(3):771-781
Professional influence in policy‐making is generally believed to rest on professionals successfully laying claim to access to expertise – knowledge, understanding or experience – not available to others, above all politicians. On the basis of a 2005 survey of nearly 800 lawyers serving in local authorities in England and Wales, this article explores the relationship between specialization and political influence. Lawyers who shape policy use conventional routes for political influence, establish contacts with political officeholders, tend to identify less with the profession at large and are less likely to see themselves as specialists in any field of law. This means that the relationship between expertise and political power is complex and that the notion that professionals use their expertise to shape policy should be treated with some caution. 相似文献
175.
PAUL E. BELLAIR Assistant Professor 《犯罪学》1997,35(4):677-704
The social disorganization perspective assumes that social interaction among neighbors is a central element in the control of community crime. Moreover, social interaction among neighbors that occurs frequently, such as every day, is assumed to be most effective. This analysis tests that assumption by exploring the consequences of frequent and infrequent interaction. I construct 10 alternative measures of social interaction and separately examine the effect of each on the rates of three serious crimes across 60 urban neighborhoods. Findings suggest that type of interaction matters. Getting together once a year or more with neighbors has the most consistent and generally strongest effect on burglary, motor vehicle theft, and robbery. Further this form of interaction mediates a significant proportion of the effect of ecological characteristics on community crime. Implications for community crime research are discussed. 相似文献
176.
PAUL BERCKMANS 《Law and Philosophy》1997,16(2):145-176
More than half a century ago, the Supreme Court held that the free speech protection of the First Amendment is not limited
to verbal communication, but also applies to such expressive conduct as saluting a flag or burning a flag. Even though the
Supreme Court has decided a number of important cases involving expressive conduct, the Court has never announced any standards
for distinguishing such conduct from conduct without communicative value. The aim of this paper is to examine which conceptions
of nonverbal expression underlie judicial decisions on expressive conduct, and to offer an account of expressive conduct grounded
in contemporary semantic theory. The central hypothesis of this paper is that significance of expressive conduct can be explained
by principles that explain important features of linguistic meaning. I propose an analysis of expressive conduct that takes
the meaningfulness of conduct as a function of the action and its consequences in context. I develop a theory of expressive
conduct whose underlying conception of expression is based on a number of ideas from speech act theory. These are Grice's
account of nonnatural meaning, Austin's theory of illocutionary force, and Grice's work on conversational implicature. My
analysis understands the meaningfulness of conduct in terms of its relational properties and relevant features of the context
upon which illocutionary force, perlocutionary properties and implicature are predicated. The natural and conventional properties
of types of conduct, features of the context, and underlying social and cultural presumptions and expectations about human
conduct thus play a role in the constitution of symbolic speech.
This revised version was published online in November 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
177.
PAUL HENDERSON 《Bulletin of Latin American research》1997,16(2):169-186
Abstract— In 1895 liberal forces, dedicated to the modernisation of their country's economic, social and political structures, came to power in Ecuador. The transformation was to be brought about on the basis of income from the profitable cocoa trade. Closely linked to the agro-mercantile élite of Guayaquil, the liberals embarked upon an ambitious programme of reform. By the early 1920s, however, their hopes had been shattered by the decline of the cocoa trade and the impact of the First World War. Heavily indebted to Guayaquil banks and facing mounting domestic opposition, the liberals were overthrown by the military in July 1925. 相似文献
178.
PATRICK YEWELL DEBORAH WILLIAMSON MICHAEL CORNWALL PAUL KNEPPER 《Juvenile & family court journal》1998,49(3):27-39
Judges are the key to court reform in child protection proceedings but legislative mandates cannot guarantee the requisite level of judicial commitment. Lack of full implementation of the Adoption Assistance and Child Welfare Act of 1980 demonstrates that rather than rely on statutory language, court reformers ought to increase judicial understanding of the provisions of federal law through initiatives such as cross-training. From December 1996 to June 1998, Kentucky's Court Improvement Project delivered 11 regional cross-training sessions to more than 550 judges, attorneys, social service personnel and other child advocates. Based on a statewide survey, cross-training increased significantly awareness of federal child protection objectives among the state's judges. Awareness of a policy among those expected to implement it is the first step toward implementation. 相似文献
179.
PAUL GREGORY 《欧亚研究》2003,55(6):923-937
180.