全文获取类型
收费全文 | 339篇 |
免费 | 7篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 36篇 |
工人农民 | 2篇 |
世界政治 | 40篇 |
外交国际关系 | 7篇 |
法律 | 88篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 172篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 5篇 |
2017年 | 3篇 |
2016年 | 3篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2013年 | 15篇 |
2012年 | 13篇 |
2011年 | 7篇 |
2010年 | 10篇 |
2009年 | 12篇 |
2008年 | 5篇 |
2007年 | 14篇 |
2006年 | 16篇 |
2005年 | 14篇 |
2004年 | 6篇 |
2003年 | 7篇 |
2002年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 7篇 |
1997年 | 14篇 |
1996年 | 12篇 |
1995年 | 10篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 10篇 |
1992年 | 6篇 |
1991年 | 7篇 |
1990年 | 11篇 |
1989年 | 10篇 |
1988年 | 4篇 |
1987年 | 8篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 4篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1979年 | 6篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1976年 | 3篇 |
1975年 | 4篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1971年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 3篇 |
1969年 | 5篇 |
1967年 | 4篇 |
1956年 | 2篇 |
1955年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有346条查询结果,搜索用时 8 毫秒
211.
PETER F. NARDULLI 《Law & policy》1980,2(4):420-444
This article considers team policing as a method of deploying police manpower and examines the impact of an experiment in one neighborhood in a medium-sized American city. The first section reviews team policing in light of earlier police reforms and sets forth the basic tenets and expectations of team policing as a deployment strategy. Next the design of the quasi-experiment is discussed. The program is evaluated in terms of its impact upon a number of criteria, including attitudes toward the police, the evaluation of police services, clearance rates, and crime rates. While no reduction in crime rates was detected, a favorable impact was made in most other areas. 相似文献
212.
Over time, gender and politics research has made progress in identifying those factors that result in low numbers of women in political institutions and in making evidence-informed suggestions about how to ameliorate them. These factors include discrimination in party recruitment processes, male-dominated political culture and broader gender inequalities in society. In contrast, little is known about public opinion regarding these drivers of women's political under-representation, especially whether to who or what women assign blame for the under-representation of women in politics differs from men. This article provides the first discussion and analysis of blame assignment for women's numeric under-representation in politics. In doing so, it outlines and operationalises a framework that distinguishes between meritocratic explanations of women's under-representation, whereby the blame for women not holding political office in greater numbers is assigned to women themselves, and structural explanations, whereby social forces external to women are seen to result in their numeric under-representation. Cross-national data from 27 European countries is used to show that women are significantly more likely than men to assign blame for women's numeric under-representation to structural factors. The hierarchical nature of the dataset is exploited using multilevel models and significant differences in levels of structural blame assignment between countries is found as well as between-country variation in the probability of women assigning blame to structural explanations for women's under-representation. Finally, the category of structural explanations is disaggregated in order to assess their relative prominence and to provide strong corroborative evidence that women predominantly assign blame for women's under-representation to political culture over other structural blame factors. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the study's findings for policy makers contemplating the pursuit of gender equality policies aimed at increasing women's political representation and makes suggestions for the direction of future research in this area. 相似文献
213.
ULRICH SIEBERER JULIA F. DUTKOWSKI PETER MEIßNER WOLFGANG C. MÜLLER 《European Journal of Political Research》2020,59(4):886-909
When and why do parliamentary majorities in Europe suppress parliamentary minority rights? This article argues that such reforms are driven by substantive policy conflict in interaction with existing minority rights. Government parties curb minority rights if they fear minority obstruction due to increased policy conflict and a minority-friendly institutional status quo. Empirical support is found for this claim using comparative data on all reforms in 13 Western European parliaments since 1945. A curbing of minority rights is significantly more likely under conditions of heightened policy conflict and these effects are stronger the more the institutional status quo favours opposition parties. Contrary to frequent claims of consensual rule changes from single-country studies in Europe, these findings demonstrate the importance of competitive strategies in explaining institutional reform in European parliaments. The conditional impact of the status quo provides interesting theoretical links to historical institutionalist arguments on path dependence. 相似文献
214.
215.
216.
217.
218.
219.
220.