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本文分析了英国近来的一些案例,介绍了英国在采取非诉方法解决争议方面的最新发展,强调了法院在一些案件中的态度. 相似文献
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GEORGE PHILIP 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2013,32(3):279-293
Velasco's brand of military nationalism marked a real break from the orientation of the majority of Peruvian military regimes, which were pro‐United States and espoused limited government. Many attempts have been made to explain this outcome, but the release of documents from British and United States archives clarify certain issues. Above all, Velasco's use of the nationalist card enabled him to win over decisive support from both the military and political society. This support gave him sufficient leverage to consolidate his personal position, which he did before launching a major programme of domestic property expropriation. 相似文献
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PHILIP W. SCHER 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2011,30(1):7-20
As neoliberalism has taken root in the Caribbean, heritage tourism has grown enormously. Using examples drawn from the Trinidad Carnival, this article shows how culture becomes a marketing force in the wake of increasingly difficult economic times in the Caribbean. As selling culture increases in importance for the overall economic health of Caribbean economies, it becomes, more and more, the focus of Caribbean states and state agencies and a basis for state sovereignty. Drawing on Foucault's notion of biopower, the article draws a connection between the increasing importance of cultural performances for state revenue and government intervention into those performances. 相似文献
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JEFFERY A. JENKINS MICHAEL H. CRESPIN JAMIE L. CARSON 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2005,30(3):365-389
We examine the degree to which parties act as procedural coalitions in Congress by testing predictions from the party cartel theory (Cox and McCubbins 1993, 1994, 2002). We gain leverage on the question of party influence in Congress by focusing on three types of House members: reelection seekers, higher‐office seekers, and retiring members. We argue that retiring House members are no longer susceptible to party pressure, making them the perfect means (when compared to higher‐office seekers and reelection seekers) to determine the existence of party influence. Results from a pooled, cross‐sectional analysis of the 94th through 105th Congresses (1975–98) suggest that party influence is indeed present in Congress, especially where the party cartel theory predicts: on procedural, rather than final‐passage, votes. Moreover, we find that procedural party influence is almost exclusively the domain of the majority party. This latter finding is especially important because most prior studies have been limited to investigating interparty influence only. 相似文献