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581.
582.
Since the early years of the twenty-first century, a number of key regional governments have consciously chosen to alter the way they talk about the region, and have now largely shifted from using the ‘Asia-Pacific’ to the ‘Indo-Pacific’ construct. But after three decades of utilising the ‘Asia-Pacific’ concept, why has this been the case and how might this shift in geographical conceptualisation alter the strategic framework of the region? This paper argues that the ‘Indo-Pacific’ is a regional reconceptualisation utilised by Japan, Australia, India and the USA to address deficiencies in Asia’s maritime security and institutional architecture, which are being simultaneously influenced by a more assertive Chinese posture and waning U.S. influence. Additionally, the Indo-Pacific concept has developed in tandem with a transformation in the regional security architecture. The utilisation of maritime minilateralism between Japan, India, Australia and the USA supplements Asia’s bilateral American alliances, with an array of trilateral security dialogues or ‘security triangles’. The Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific shift is really an instance of an emerging minilateral security regionalism, rather than the predominant forms of bilateral and multilateral security and economic regionalism that have dominated Asia in recent decades. 相似文献
583.
Arsène Saparov 《Central Asian Survey》2017,36(4):534-554
This article deals with the political manipulation of symbolic landscape, using post-Soviet Azerbaijan as a case study. In particular, it looks at the practice of toponym changes as an element of political legitimization and national identity-making. The political use and manipulation of place-names and symbolic landscape is a relatively recent phenomenon that became particularly widespread in the twentieth century. It is widely used for ideological or nationalist purposes throughout the world – from Iran to Israel, from former Yugoslavia to the USSR. However, I argue that post-Soviet Azerbaijan represents an unusual case where one can clearly see strikingly different patterns of place-name manipulation in the pursuit of political legitimacy. It argues that while questions of political legitimacy and nationalism found their reflection in the policy of place-name manipulation, their uses followed clearly different routes and were confined to separate areas. 相似文献
584.
Soares Laís de Sousa Abreu Dalboni Filipe Mendes Teixeira Evandro Camargos 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2021,76(4):409-430
Crime, Law and Social Change - Criminality is a major factor in reducing the well-being of the Brazilian population. As a result, many researchers and governments strive to discover what can reduce... 相似文献
585.
This article advances the idea that coalition formation and maintenance in highly fragmented presidential regimes is not only crucial to overcoming policy deadlock, but in some cases, critical to ensuring government survival. To advance this argument, the article looks at the formation and demise of legislative coalitions in Ecuador between 1979 and 2006. The empirical data suggest that paradoxically, government coalitions became more difficult to sustain after the adoption of institutional reforms intended to strengthen the president's legislative powers. The adoption of those reforms, it is argued, undermined the legislative incentives to cooperate with the government and helped to accelerate coalition erosion. Not only did the reforms fail significantly to avoid policy deadlock, but in some cases they contributed to the early termination of presidential mandates. This article contributes to the study of coalition survival and how it is linked to policymaking. 相似文献
586.
587.
In recent years, the reinforcement of security policies alongside the expansion of information systems for law enforcement and crime prevention entailed growing restrictions to personal data protection principles and procedural rights in the European Union. This paper seeks to elucidate this trend, while matching it with an EU institutional discourse based on balancing and proportionality. Indeed, EU institutions regularly present security measures and fundamental rights as somewhat symmetric values to be easily conciliated through balancing and proportionality. Considering the raising of the protection of personal data to the status of a fundamental right by the Charter of Fundamental Rights, its effect on a possible rebalancing of the values at stake is discussed. Yet, we conclude, for the time being, the potential for just and democratic solutions provided by the ideas of balancing and proportionality does not appear to be properly used. 相似文献
588.
589.
Recently, as different projects aiming to define and reinforce property rights in the fashion industry have been elaborated
and discussed, a lot of papers have been dedicated to the question of property rights in this industry. Our paper considers
the problems from a specific point of view; it focuses on the relation between property rights and creativity. If property
rights allow the allocation of the majority of standard industrial goods without any special difficulty, however, when they
are applied to creative goods, new problems arise. Then, for us, the persistence of a low system of IPRs in the fashion industry
does not mainly derive from its efficiency but from the characteristics of the inputs that are used in the creative production
process. They constitute strong constraints for defining, entitling, legitimating, enforcing, valuating and exchanging property
rights. Thus, the different economic actors develop different kinds of strategic behaviour in order to obtain earnings and
can try to protect copyrights, trademarks, new assets, old assets (heritage), private or collective assets, and so on. The
institutional characteristics of this specific industry—such as the models of management, the type of ownership, the size
of the firms, … lead to different historical models of management through IPRs. Peculiarly, the financial groups that integrate
fashion into the new luxury industries currently try to implement new IPRs and to move towards a stronger system of IPRs but
the management model of the street fashion puts an obstacle to this project. 相似文献
590.
It is generally acknowledged that large youth cohorts or “youth bulges” make countries more susceptible to antistate political violence. Thus, we assume that governments are forewarned about the political demographic threat that a youth bulge represents to the status quo and will attempt to preempt behavioral challenges by engaging in repression. A statistical analysis of the relationship between youth bulges and state repression from 1976 to 2000 confirms our expectation. Controlling for factors known to be associated with coercive state action, we find that governments facing a youth bulge are more repressive than other states. This relationship holds when controlling for, and running interactions with, levels of actual protest behavior. Youth bulges and other elements that may matter for preemptive state strategies should therefore be included in future empirical models of state repression. 相似文献