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121.
Paolo Morisi 《Political Studies Review》2009,7(3):338-350
Flora, P., Kuhnle, S. and Urwin D. (1999) State Formation, Nation-Building, and Mass Politics in Europe: The Theory of Stein Rokkan . Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Bartolini, S. (2000) The Political Mobilization of the European Left, 1860–1980: The Class Cleavage . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Caramani, D. (2004) The Nationalization of Politics: The Formation of National Electorates and Party Systems in Western Europe . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Bartolini, S. (2005) Restructuring Europe: Centre Formation, System Building, and Political Structuring between the Nation State and the European Union . Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Ferrera, M. (2005) The Boundaries of Welfare: European Integration and the New Spatial Politics of Social Protection . Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Bozo, F. (2001) Two Strategies for Europe: De Gaulle, the United States, and the Atlantic Alliance . Lanham MD: Rowman & Littlefield. 相似文献
Bartolini, S. (2000) The Political Mobilization of the European Left, 1860–1980: The Class Cleavage . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Caramani, D. (2004) The Nationalization of Politics: The Formation of National Electorates and Party Systems in Western Europe . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Bartolini, S. (2005) Restructuring Europe: Centre Formation, System Building, and Political Structuring between the Nation State and the European Union . Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Ferrera, M. (2005) The Boundaries of Welfare: European Integration and the New Spatial Politics of Social Protection . Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Bozo, F. (2001) Two Strategies for Europe: De Gaulle, the United States, and the Atlantic Alliance . Lanham MD: Rowman & Littlefield. 相似文献
122.
Paolo Foradori Serena Giusti Alessandro Giovanni Lamonica 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2018,53(3):86-101
In the context of the increasing securitisation of cultural heritage, France, Italy, and the United Kingdom have reacted differently to the recent wave of iconoclasm perpetrated by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and similar radical groups and terrorist organisations. With cultural heritage now discursively identified as a security concern, the three states enacted security practices to deal with the newly emerged security threats. All three cases show a tight association between the protection of cultural heritage, development and security policies. State-driven cultural heritage protection policies continue to be designed around the notion of multilateral cooperation, although innovative forms of public-private multilateralism and civil-military cooperation are increasingly being introduced. 相似文献
123.
Paolo Bellucci 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(4):605-617
At the Italian parliamentary election of April 2008 the centre-right coalition, led by media tycoon Silvio Berlusconi, prevailed
with 3.3 million votes over the centre-left coalition, led by Walter Veltroni, former mayor of Rome. This commentary analyzes
the electoral results by looking at three factors which affected the vote: the institutional context, the electoral campaigns
of both coalitions, and the voters’ behaviour. The article claims that the electoral outcome originated from an asymmetrical
abstention of centre-left voters who did not turn out, and from a high-level of swing-voting which favoured the centre-right.
It is argued that this election hardly signals a political realignment. Rather than value changes, valence politics and government
performance are at the basis of the centre-right victory.
相似文献
124.
Alessandro Gabbiadini Brad J. Bushman Paolo Riva Luca Andrighetto Chiara Volpato 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2017,46(12):2460-2466
In this issue, (Ferguson, C. J., & Donnellan, B. D., Journal of Youth and and Adolescence, published online 21 June 2017) criticize one of our studies (Gabbiadini, A., Riva, P., Andrighetto, L., Volpato, C., & Bushman, B. J., PLoS ONE, 11: 1–14, 2016) that found violent sexist video games can reduce empathy for female violence victims in male players who identify with violent male game characters, and do so by increasing masculine beliefs. Their main criticism is a “straw person” argument built on a claim that we never made (i.e., a direct effect of sexist-violent video games on empathy). They also made several other criticisms of our article. We appreciate the opportunity to respond to their criticisms in this article. We also point out some flaws in their reanalysis. Despite their criticisms, the core contributions of our original article remain intact. 相似文献
125.
ABSTRACTIndicators of carbon storage in forests and other land uses have gained much prominence to evaluate and endorse land-based climate change mitigation policies. The outcomes of such assessments can have direct livelihood implications for dwellers living at the forest–agriculture frontier, such as shifting cultivators or subsistence farmers. This contribution critically discusses the methodological relevance of carbon stock indicators to assess long-term emission dynamics of land uses, and furthermore addresses the ‘politics of measurement’ that can be involved in policy practice. From a complex socio-ecological systems perspective, the paper argues that carbon stock indicators provide necessary but not sufficient information to endorse land use policies with mitigation aims. While they may indicate one-off sequestration gains through vegetation and land-use change, they cannot account for permanent hidden emissions that emerge as part of the broader agrarian transitions that accompany land-use change. Over the long term, this may render related mitigation interventions ineffective, if not counterproductive. Furthermore, carbon stock estimates for future land-use scenarios sometimes draw on biased assumptions, or are constructed within histories of discrimination, through which they may further marginalize subaltern groups such as shifting cultivators. A paradigm shift is needed that includes more integrative assessment approaches. 相似文献
126.
Brenton Prosser Matthew Flinders Will Jennings Alan Renwick Paolo Spada Gerry Stoker 《Contemporary Politics》2018,24(2):210-232
A growing body of research suggests the existence of a disconnection between citizens, politicians and representative politics in advanced industrial democracies. This has led to a literature on the emergence of post-democratic or post-representative politics that connects to a parallel seam of scholarship on the capacity of deliberative democratic innovations to ‘close the gap’. This latter body of work has delivered major insights in terms of democratic design in ways that traverse ‘politics as theory’ and ‘politics as practice’. And yet the main argument of this article is that this seam of scholarship has generally failed to explore the existence of numerous pedagogical relationships that exist within the very fibre of deliberative processes. As such, the core contribution of this article focuses around the explication of a ‘pedagogical pyramid’ that applies a micro-political lens to deliberative processes. This theoretical contribution is empirically assessed with reference to a recent project that sought to test different citizen assembly pilots around plans for English regional devolution. The proposition being tested is that a better understanding of relational pedagogy within innovations is vital, not just to increase levels of knowledge, but also to build the capacity, confidence and contribution of democratically active citizens. 相似文献
127.
This paper analyses government approval in Italy – which has become a key aspect for electoral support in the new party system of the Second Republic – exploring the influence that TV coverage exerts on approval net of traditional accounts of government support. Relying on both aggregate time series and pooled individual-level surveys analyses, it is shown that communication has a sizable impact on government approval. The popularity of Centre-Left and Centre-Right governments is affected evenly by the economy but differently by the news coverage of their activity. People with lower political interest are the most reactive to news coverage of government performance. 相似文献
128.
129.
Roberto Rosa Ph.D. Paolo Veronesi Ph.D. Cristina Leonelli Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(5):1314-1321
The thermal development of latent fingerprints on paper surfaces is a simple, safe, and chemicals‐free method, based on the faster heating of the substrate underlying the print residue. Microwave heating is proposed for the first time for the development of latent fingerprints on cellulose‐based substrate, in order to add to the thermal development mechanism the further characteristic of being able to heat the fingerprint residues to a different extent with respect to the substrate, due to the intrinsic difference in their dielectric properties. Numerical simulation was performed to confirm and highlight the selectivity of microwaves, and preliminary experimental results point out the great potentialities of this technique, which allowed developing both latent sebaceous‐rich and latent eccrine‐rich fingerprints on different porous surfaces, in less than 30 sec time with an applied output power of 500 W. Microwaves demonstrated more effectiveness in the development of eccrine‐rich residues, aged up to 12 weeks. 相似文献
130.
In the historical and anthropological literature, western Alps servants were widely assumed to be few in number, and the importance of the institution of service therefore negligible. This study combines historical-demographic and ethnographic methods to investigate whether this was true of a community in the Italian western Alps with a mixed population of peasants and transhumant shepherds. Surprisingly, a valuable 1951 census reveals that seemingly small numbers hide what was actually a normal phase in the life course of peasant sons whom shepherds recruited to work as servants. Distinct patterns of life-cycle and lifetime service seem to have coexisted in the same community. The evidence also confirms that in southern Europe, as some recent studies have pointed out, the institution of service often was not just the circulation of young men and women between households but an asymmetrical exchange between different socioeconomic groups. Otherwise rigid social and cultural boundaries were thereby crossed. 相似文献