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21.
Stefan Toepler Ulla Pape Vladimir Benevolenski 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2020,22(1):47-65
AbstractThis article discusses the evolution of government-nonprofit relations at the regional level in Russia against the background of national-level restrictions on NGOs. Russia recently also introduced supportive policies and the article aims to trace the regional administrations’ reactions to the dual realities of the federal government’s posture towards nonprofits. Considerable variation was found in regional government-nonprofit relationships as well as deviation from national policy stances. Using a subnational comparative framework, this article addresses a gap in the literature and lays the groundwork for future cross-national comparisons of subnational variations of government-nonprofit relations in other authoritarian and hybrid political regimes. 相似文献
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A Marono DD Clarke J Navarro DA Keatley 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2018,33(2):109-117
The ability to correctly interpret nonverbal communication (NVC) is an important ability in everyday interactions, which may use NVC techniques to identify the concealment of information. In the present study, a novel approach was used to understand NVC. Behaviour sequence analysis identified specific sequences of behaviours that indicate psychological distress caused by deception. The study involved the analysis of 55 videos of real criminals and high-power individuals that were filmed fabricating statements, which were later exposed as being untruthful at the time of being filmed. In addition, 53 clips of criminals making truthful statements were also analysed as a contrast group. Results indicated clear differences between honest and deceptive responses, such as furrowing of eyebrows in the deceptive sequences occurring more often than honest statements. In addition, sequences of behaviours were shown in the present data set, which could indicate a new method for analysing NVC and detecting psychological distress caused by deception. The possible implications and applications for police and forensic investigation are also outlined. 相似文献
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FREDERICO FERREIRA DA SILVA PATRÍCIO COSTA 《European Journal of Political Research》2019,58(1):117-140
Previous research on leader effects has focused exclusively on the impact of voters’ evaluations of leaders on vote choice, disregarding possible effects on the prior step of deciding whether or not to turn out to vote. In line with the personalisation of politics thesis, leaders have a higher impact among dealigned voters. Previous studies have demonstrated that leader effects are stronger among voters who voice their dealignment – namely party switchers. However, the potential impact of leaders among those who exited (i.e., who have abstained) is still unstudied. Could leaders have a mobilisation effect and therefore trigger turnout decisions? What characteristics of party leaders are more relevant in this regard? This article is the first comparative study to examine how the evaluation of party leaders’ traits influences voter turnout in general elections. The work incorporates data from election studies across seven countries with different social contexts (Portugal, Spain, Ireland, Germany, United Kingdom, Italy and Hungary). Characteristics of leaders were grouped into two dimensions – competence and warmth – in accordance with the stereotype content model and relevant studies on leaders’ traits evaluation. Multiple binary logistic regression models were performed to analyse the predictive power of competence and warmth on turnout, controlling for sociodemographic, political ideology variables and voters’ past political behaviour. Results reinforce the personalisation of politics theory, showing the utmost relevance of warmth personality traits of leaders in voter turnout decisions. Competence personality traits were found to be relevant only in some situations. Interaction effects were also demonstrated between warmth evaluations and identifying with a right-wing party as well as past political behaviour with both warmth and competence. 相似文献
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From 1993 to 2008, criminal investigations were conducted in the western part of Switzerland with special attention to blowfly and flesh fly species in order to estimate the post-mortem interval when requested by the police authorities. Flesh flies were found in only 33 cases out of 160. Five species of the genus Sarcophaga were identified (S. africa, S. argyrostoma, S. caerulescens, S. similis and S. sp.). The main species found on corpses (larval stage) was S. argyrostoma. The thermal constant (K) calculated for this species in Switzerland is 380.6 ± 16.3 (mean ± S.D.) degree-days. With the exception of S. caerulescens, found three times in the larval stage on corpses, the three other species are of minor forensic importance. S. argyrostoma is found during summer and indoors. This species colonises dead bodies, usually the same day as blowfly species, and it could be used to estimate the post-mortem interval. Other species are discussed in the light of current knowledge on their biology and ecology. It is recommended that voucher material be deposited in a museum, allowing further studies by relevant specialists, thereby helping investigators and avoiding misidentifications. 相似文献
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MARIA HELENA DA CRUZ COELHO MARIA MANUELA TAVARES RIBEIRO SAUL ANTÓNIO GOMES 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(1):211-214
SUMMARY The Scottish Parliament, established in 1999, was to be a novel type of parliament and to herald a ‘new politics’. While it was inevitable that the Scottish parliamentary model would inherit some of the features of the Westminster system, one of the major parliamentary models in the world, Home Rulers insisted on the Scottish Parliament's need to adopt novel procedures and principles right from the start to keep it from becoming a ‘Westminister’. An analysis of Scottish Home Rule discourse in documents from the late 1980s and the 1990s shows that at the time, Westminster was constructed as an ‘anti-model’. This article establishes in what respects Westminster was an anti-model for the architects of the Scottish Parliament and describes the ideal parliamentary model which they defined. It then considers whether the Scottish model as it exists today conforms to their expectations. The case presented here is that the Scottish parliamentary system is indeed different from the British system in several fundamental respects, such as the fact that it is more committee-based and less executive-oriented, but that it is closer to the Westminster model than has been acknowledged, and that in some respects, the Scottish Parliament has moved towards that model by adopting typically British modes of functioning. Some characteristics of the Westminster system which it has integrated are the Presiding Officer's power to have a casting vote or, more controversially, the way the executive is held to account, through adversarial Question Times. The Scottish Parliament is thus neither a mini-Westminster nor an anti-Westminster: the Scottish parliamentary model is a hybrid of the West European and the Westminster models. 相似文献
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JEHANGIR POCHA HA JIN WOLE SOYINKA ORHAN PAMUK VALÉRY GISCARD D'ESTAING SONIA GANDHI ABUDURRAHMAN WAHI JOSE RAMOS‐HORTA SHARIF ALI BIN AL HUSSEIN PETER BOUCKAERT WESLEY CLARK RICHARD HOLBROOKE BOUTROS BOUTROS‐GHALI SCOTT RITTER ROLF EKEUS LULA DA SILVA SEBASTIAN EDWARDS ALVARO VARGAS LLOSA BILL CLINTON RICHARD PERLE JOSEPH ROTBLAT GÜNTER GRASS BORIS BEREZOVSKY MIKHAIL GORBACHEV JOHN KENNETH GALBRAITH SHIMON PERES 《新观察季刊》2008,25(1):28-31
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Elisabet E Storvoll Lars Wichstrøm Hilde Pape 《Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology & Crime Prevention》2013,14(2):194-209
The present paper examines whether there are gender differences in the associations between various dimensions of conduct problems and other problems in adolescence. Other problems studied are both of an externalizing nature (substance use) and an internalizing nature (suicidal behavior and emotional problems). Data stemmed from a large general population sample of Norwegian adolescents (N=9?342). On the basis of earlier studies, conduct problems were decomposed into three dimensions, labeled ‘Theft and vandalism’, ‘School opposition’ and ‘Covert behavior’. The first dimension includes different kinds of stealing and violence against objects, whereas the second includes school-related conduct problems of an overt aggressive kind. The last dimension reflects avoidance of arenas under adult control. Whether or not gender differences were detected, depended on the kind of conduct problems considered. We observed stronger associations between two dimensions of conduct problems, theft and vandalism and school opposition, and other problems among girls than among boys. There were no male/female differences in the associations between covert behavior and other problems. 相似文献