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951.
30年前的12月4日,五届全国人大五次会议通过了现行宪法。这是新中国颁布的第四部宪法,与广纳民意、深得民心的1954年宪法一脉相承,同“文革”色彩鲜明的1975年宪法、“左”的思想尚未彻底清除的1978年宪法进行了果断切割。现行宪法根据改革开放新时期的使命和任务,全面体现了党在社会主义初级阶段的基本路线, 相似文献
952.
中英海上保险法中的保证制度 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:2
保证源于英国的海上保险实践 ,是海上保险法中特有的法律制度 ,各国规范海上保险的法规中都有与此相关的内容。本文分别对中国海商法和英国 190 6年海上保险法中有关保证制度的规定进行了介绍 ,并且分析了大陆法系特别是比利时法对有关保证的一些实践做法 ,对中国海商法的修改提出了一些建议。 相似文献
953.
中交一航局工会专题调研组 《天津市工会管理干部学院学报》2013,21(1):14-18
中交一航局的职工文化建设,多年来已形成诸多行之有效的成功经验,但也存在一些需要改进的问题。今后应通过加强职工文化自信意识引导、探索项目部职工文化阵地标准、打造职工文化建设品牌、实现“两转两延一提升”,来全面提升该项工作的质量。 相似文献
954.
955.
Reviewed by Roger Griffin 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):310-312
In the 1970s, Western European countries were hit hard by terrorism, especially by international terrorism that crossed borders easily and allowed terrorists of different origins to carry out attacks against both governments and people. Consequently, the necessity of fighting this menace also extended to international organisations. This article looks at how the Council of Europe dealt with the issue, and assesses the negotiations that led to the Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism from the German perspective. West Germany was very interested in establishing a sounder international legal framework against terrorism and thought that the Council of Europe would be able to make an important contribution by abolishing the political offence exception that had so far been a core feature of most extradition treaties. This clause allowed political criminals to escape punishment by fleeing to a country that would deny extradition to a different country on the grounds of the political nature of the act committed by the person in question. The article gives an account and analysis of the complex negotiations that finally resulted in the adoption of the Convention in 1977, as well as of the problems encountered and compromises reached during these negotiations. 相似文献
956.
Reviewed by Martin Durham 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(3):435-436
This article presents an empirical analysis of a unique dataset of 1240 former members of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA). We highlight the shifting sociological and operational profile of PIRA's cadre, and highlight these dynamics in conjunction with primary PIRA documents and secondary interview sources. The effect of these changes in terms of the scale and intensity of PIRA violence is also considered. Although this is primarily a study of a disbanded violent organization, it contains broad policy implications beyond the contemporary violence of dissident movements in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. We conclude with a consideration of how a shifting sociological profile impacts upon group effectiveness, resilience, homogeneity, and the turn toward peaceful means of contention. 相似文献
957.
Reviewed by Alisa Stack-O'Connor 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(3):442-443
Augustus Richard Norton and Martin H. Greenberg, The International Relations of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Carbondale and Edwardsville, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1989. Pp.233. Uwe Backes and Eckhard Jesse (eds.), Jahrbuch Extremlsmus und Demokratie. Bonn: Bouvier Verlag, 1989. Pp.379. Uwe Backes and Eckhard Jesse, Politlscher Extremlsmus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Band I: Llteratur, Pp.312; Band II: Analyse, Pp.384; Band III: Dokumentation, Pp.344; Köln: Verlag Wissenschaft und Politik Berend von Nottbeck, 1989. Richard L. Clutterbuck, Terrorism and Guerrilla Warfare: Forecasts and Remedies. London: Routlege, 1990. Pp.235. £25 (hardback). President's Commission on Aviation Security and Terrorism, Report to the President. Washington, DC: US. Government Printing Office, 1990. Pp.v + 182. 相似文献
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959.
Reviewed by Raffaello Pantucci 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(3):474-476
Recent years have witnessed a significant increase in the amount of counterterrorism legislation worldwide. The commonly held assumption behind the adoption of counterterrorism legislation links it to the terrorist threat in a state. However, little research has focused on empirically testing reasons driving states to legislate. This article addresses this void by analyzing the puzzle of why states choose to adopt new terrorism-specific legislation. The article presents empirical analysis of the probability of states to legislate before and after September 11, 2001, and is based on a new database of counterterrorism legislation. The findings reveal that before September 11, state decisions to adopt new legislation correlated with the number of terrorist organizations operating in their territory. Since September 11, however, the most significant predictors for the adoption of new legislation have become the existence of previous counterterrorism legislation and the participation of a state in the War on Terror. 相似文献
960.