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Ann Oakley 《Women's history review》2015,24(2):154-173
The history of the relationships between social work, social reform, social policy and social science contains an important story about the contributions of men and women, and about the ways in which masculinist social science and policy came to dominate the activities of women reformers and social scientists. This article focuses on a moment in this history, a conflict at the London School of Economics (LSE) in the 1950s about the future of social work education. A key figure in this was the author's father, Richard Titmuss. The article draws on biography, autobiography and intellectual/institutional history, raising some methodological issues about this approach to uncovering hidden stories; it also argues that the conflict at LSE, a painfully remembered episode in the history of social work, cannot be understood except in the context of the gendered story of ‘the socials’. 相似文献
164.
What happens to feminism in the university is parallel to what happens to feminism in other venues under economic restructuring: while the impoverished nation is forced to cut social services and thereby send women back to the hierarchy of the family, the academy likewise reduces its footprint in interdisciplinary structures and contains academic feminists back to the hierarchy of departments and disciplines. When the family and the department become powerful arbiters of cultural values, women and feminist academics by and large suffer: they either accept a diminished role or are pushed to compete in a system they recognize as antithetical to the foundational values of feminist priorities of social justice. Collaborative work to nurture diversity and interdisciplinarity does not register as individual accomplishment. This paper considers the necessity of this type of academic work to further the vision of a society committed to the collective values espoused by feminism and other areas in social justice. 相似文献
165.
Ann Curthoys 《澳大利亚女权主义者研究》2014,29(80):115-120
AbstractThis paper considers the three main ways in which social scientists are concerned with gender—as a field of study, as an analytical tool and as a social phenomenon structuring the social sciences themselves. It begins with a reconsideration of a report I wrote for the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia in 1998 on gender in the social sciences, and moves on to consider what has changed since then, emphasising the substantial internationalisation of Australian scholarship in thinking, method, focus, collaboration and communication. With the growing alliance of gender studies with cultural studies and the transformation of the latter from an interdisciplinary project into a new discipline, I suggest, feminist scholarship has become much more disciplinary in focus. For this reason, it has become important to understand why it is that women have found it much harder to achieve parity with men in some disciplines than others, and why it is that within disciplines, there remain strong gender differences. It concludes by observing that the vitality of gender scholarship depends significantly on its continuing engagement with public concerns and issues. 相似文献
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Rama Mohana R. Turaga Douglas Noonan Ann Bostrom 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2015,34(2):298-327
This paper analyzes the potential implications, in terms of net social costs and distribution of risks and abatement costs, of a policy to address the problem of air toxics “hot spots.” The policy we analyze involves regulation of air toxics sources at increasingly finer spatial resolutions. We develop a model of a decisionmaker choosing emission standards within a net cost minimization framework. Empirical application of the model to two counties in Florida demonstrates that regulation at finer resolutions could involve trade‐offs between net social costs and equitable distribution of risks and, in some settings, between individual and population risks. 相似文献
168.
Ann Sumner Holmes 《Law & social inquiry》1995,20(2):601-620
The Divorce and Matrimonial Causes Act of 1857 included a double standard in its provisions. While a wife's adultery was sufficient cause to end a marriage, a woman could divorce her husband only if his adultery had been compounded by another matrimonial offense. The Matrimonial Causes Act of 1923 granted a wife the right to divorce her husband for adultery alone and thus removed the double standard with respect to the grounds for divorce born English statutes. Although the 1923 act was contemporaneous with other reforms extending the legal rights of women, an analysis of the public debates regarding divorce reform indicates that the statute was not based solely on a desire to provide equitable matrimonial relief for husbands and wives. The belief that male adultery contributed to such sod problems as prostitution, illegitimacy, and the spread of venereal disease was as significant in the passage of the 1923 act as the demand for equal access to divorce for men and women. 相似文献
169.
Ann W. Burgess Timothy Baker Deborah Greening Carol R. Hartman Allen G. Burgess John E. Douglas Richard Halloran 《Journal of family violence》1997,12(4):389-403
An examination of data from 120 male and female batterers of varied age and marital, educational, and economic status, who attended group treatment for batterers or who were charged with domestic violence from January to February 1996 in a district court setting, produced the following findings: Stalkers tended to live alone, were less likely to be married, not living with children, and used more alcohol than nonstalkers. They also tended to have had a history of prior stalking offenses and of being abused themselves. Factor analysis found three stalking groupings: one in which discrediting was the key, a second revolving around love turning to hate, and a third with violent confrontation with the ex-partner. 相似文献
170.
J. Ann Tickner 《国际研究展望》2002,3(4):333-350
In this article I offer a feminist analysis of September 11, 2001 and its aftermath. I demonstrate how gendered discourses are used in this and other conflict situations to reinforce mutual hostilities. I suggest that men's association with war–fighting and national security serves to reinforce their legitimacy in world politics while it acts to create barriers for women. Using the framework of a post–9/11 world, I offer some alternative models of masculinity and some cultural representations less dependent on the subordination of women. Often in times of conflict women are seen only as victims. I outline some ways in which the women of Afghanistan are fighting against gender oppression and I conclude with some thoughts on their future prospects. 相似文献