Southern African contradictions: Part I,the role of U.S. based multinational corporations (MNCs)

Summary This is the first of two articles which seek to explain how the distorted growth of South Africa has enabled it to dominate and underdevelop the entire southern African region while itself becoming increasingly dependent externally on Western multinational corporations. A simple model provides the theoretical framework for this analysis. A brief historial sketch of the handful of powerful mining finance houses, led by the Anglo American Group involving U.S. and British interests, have joined the racist South African Government to build state capitalism and coerce the black Africn majority to work for less than subsistence wages. In this context, the largest U.S. multinational corporations, many of them linked through their boards of directors and financial ties to each other and high U.S. officials, play an increasingly critical role in providing sorely-needed capital and advanced technology to strengthen South Africa's industrial complex. At the same time, U.S. interests are attempting to influence the South African black trade union movement to acquiesce to the basic structure of the resulting exploitative political economy.The second article will outline the way South African and multinational corporate interests have penetrated the political economies of neighboring countries to obtain low-cost labor, raw materials, and markets for their expanding output of manufactured goods.     

A comparative view of indigenous citizenship issues

Following the Wik decision it is being suggested that Australia ought now to revisit the translation of special legal norms formulated in international law with respect to the human rights of indigenous citizens. These have previously underpinned developments in both Australia and Scandinavia with respect to indigenous people. Recent Australian developments, particularly the struggle over indigenous property rights, exemplify the argument of O'Neill (1997) in the first volume of Citizenship Studies, which points to the absorption of civic autonomy by market sovereignty. O'Neill is correct to suggest that the dominance of market sovereignty reduces the political participation of those incapable of the competitive struggle for private affluence and that this has a squalid dimension. Central to this is the denial of the notion of community and dominance of the market. This dominance has obscured the significance of the Australian High Court's recognition of aboriginal land rights in Mabo. The decision put the incorrect application of terra nullius—or no man's land—to Australia to rights. It made it possible for the nation to contemplate indigenous sovereignty consequent upon the recognition of native title property rights. Australia's translation of those rights with the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) looked to international law for its rationale. The rights of the Sami people have been developed in Scandinavia largely with reference to the evolution of international law on indigenous peoples. As we approach 2000, Australia cannot continue to ignore the special legal norms in international law relating to citizenship of indigenous peoples. International law informs attempts by indigenous people in modern times to regain some of what they lost in the past.     

Dictatorship,democracy and corruption in Chile

The study of corruption in Chile suffers from the lack of a pre-existing body of academic research on which to draw for historical or contemporary analysis. This situation may be partially explained by several factors. Firstly, academic research tends to be reactive rather than proactive, in the sense that issues rarely become researched until they are either topical, or perceived to be problematic and significant. The configuration of historical circumstances in Chile has meant that corruption has been perceived to be considerably less widespread and less overt than in other parts of Latin America. For reasons which will be examined below, Chile is quite clearly not in the same league as Brazil, México or Venezuela in terms of corruption in the political system, and therefore the body of existing research has tended to focus on those cases where corruption is evident and more easily observable. Secondly, the lack of research material may also be partially explained by the nature of corruption in Chile. It undoubtably exists, but it has been characteristically low-key, assuming its own particular characteristics which have become known as corrupción a la chilena. Low-intensity corruption is undoubtedly more difficult to categorise, define and measure in comparison with flagrant abuses by individuals, sectors of society or ruling parties, and this may also be a contributory factor. A third factor may be that such low-intensity activities may become such an integral part of the political culture that they become accepted ways of the business of politics and therefore fail to even raise objections from public opinion. Only when the political environment changes do these issues become perceived as unacceptable. However, what is beyond dispute is that corruption has and does exist in Chile but it is influenced by the political culture of a particular period and by the political and social context.     

L‘Éthique dans la Fonction publique: un essai de théorie générale

Sommaire. La simple évocation de I'idée de Service public nous conduit à un certain nombre de considérations qui auront valeur de principes directeurs. 1/ La logique même du Service public comporte un impératif de continuité, de permanence, de fonctionnement sans défaillance dans la poursuite des objectifs que s'est défini le corps social par ses représentants officiels. 2/ Le Service public s'inscrit dans une structure constitutionnelle qui définit le type de rapport qui doit exister entre le Parlement, le Gouvemement et les fonctionnaires. 3/ Le Service public dans le régime politique qui est le nôtre est le service d'une clientèle, la collectivité nationale, qui se trouve àêtre en dernière analyse le grand patron de I'entreprise: les principes d'rigalitC de tous devant le Service public, d'égalité devant les charges publiques, exigeront que dans ses rapports avec les administrés, le fonctionnaire ait un type de comportement bien carac-térisé. Ces principes directeurs vont influencer directement les régles de comporternent des agents publics ou ce que nous appellerons le code d'éthique dans la Fonction publique et lui donneront une « personnalité» différente de celui qui régit normalement les employés de l'entreprise privée. L'auteur analyse les conséquences de l'application de ces trois principes en faisant l'étude des règles appliquées actuellement au Québec et aussi au Fédéral. II procède à une étude fouillée du récent réglement québécois sur l'éthique et la discipline dans la Fonction publique en ne négligeant pas les règles et principes non écrits de même que le Décret fédéral du 18 décembre 1973 sur les conflits d'intérêts. Dans une première section il étudie surtout le délicat probléme de l'ordonnance hiérarchique. La deuxieme section est principalement consacrée a l'étude des secrets ou de la discrétion professionnelle du fonctionnaire et à l'obligation de réserve en matihre politique; la troisiéme section traite du devoir dintégrité et des conflits d'intérêts. L'auteur traite dans sa conclusion des avantages que comporte une codification. Cet article est conçu dam la ligne tracée par l'ouvrage que Me Garant publiait en 1973 (voir la recension bibliographique de J.I. Gow dans la dernière volume, p. 506). Abstract. The mere mention of the civil service concept brings to mind a number of points which will serve as guidelines. 1/ The very nature of the civil service implies continuity, permanence, and unfailing dedication to the goals set by society, through its official representatives. 2/ The civil service exists within a constitutional structure, which defines the relationship between Parliament, government, and the civil servant. 3/ The civil service, in our political system, caters to a clientele, the national community, which, in the final analysis, runs the show: the principles of equality before the public service and of equal public responsibility require of the civil servant a certain attitude towards the public. These guidelines will influence the rules applicable to the behavior of public agents, commonly called the civil service code of ethics, and will give it a character quite different from that prevalent in the private sector. The author analyses the consequences of the implementation of these principles by studying the rules presently applied in Quebec and by the federal government. He studies in depth the recently developed Quebec guideline on ethics and discipline in the civil service, including unwritten rules and principles, as well as the federal decree of 18 December 1973 on conflicts of interest. In the first part he considers in particular the delicate problem of hierarchical order, and, in the second, the question of confidentiality in the civil service and the need for restraint in political matters. The third part deals with the need for personal integrity and with conflicts of interest. Finally, the author considers the advantages of coding. This article has been written in accordance with the concept set forth by Mr Garant in a book published in 1973 (see the review by J.I. Cow in the last volume, p. 506).