全文获取类型
收费全文 | 549篇 |
免费 | 11篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 25篇 |
工人农民 | 81篇 |
世界政治 | 24篇 |
外交国际关系 | 28篇 |
法律 | 293篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 100篇 |
综合类 | 5篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 8篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 14篇 |
2017年 | 9篇 |
2016年 | 15篇 |
2015年 | 18篇 |
2014年 | 13篇 |
2013年 | 77篇 |
2012年 | 25篇 |
2011年 | 15篇 |
2010年 | 8篇 |
2009年 | 16篇 |
2008年 | 23篇 |
2007年 | 17篇 |
2006年 | 25篇 |
2005年 | 18篇 |
2004年 | 18篇 |
2003年 | 15篇 |
2002年 | 14篇 |
2001年 | 13篇 |
2000年 | 14篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1998年 | 8篇 |
1997年 | 11篇 |
1996年 | 6篇 |
1995年 | 7篇 |
1994年 | 9篇 |
1993年 | 7篇 |
1992年 | 10篇 |
1991年 | 9篇 |
1990年 | 12篇 |
1989年 | 10篇 |
1988年 | 5篇 |
1987年 | 10篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 9篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 11篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 4篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 5篇 |
1977年 | 4篇 |
1976年 | 4篇 |
1975年 | 2篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有560条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
461.
462.
Patricia Hogwood 《German politics》2013,22(3):125-144
For many Germans, citizenship is a problematic and emotive issue, as is demonstrated by the controversies generated around current attempts to modernise and ‘normalise’ German citizenship law. This article looks to German history to account for the failure of successive governments to effect such change. It asserts that two key historical developments have been decisive in stalling a ‘normal’ western European pattern of policy development in this field. First, the concept and law of citizenship in Germany were originally formulated in the context of nation‐state development based on cultural or ‘völkisch’ nationalism. Second, West German governments subordinated the development of citizenship policy to the aim of upholding the West German claim to be the sole legitimate representative of the Germans, thereby denying the legitimacy of the GDR. The unification of Germany in 1990 removed the specific constraints which had brought about the stalled citizenship policy. The article contrasts a Kulturnation (ethno‐cultural) stance on citizenship issues with a Verfassungsnation (civic‐territorial) understanding, and identifies contemporary partisan positions within this conceptual framework. 相似文献
463.
464.
ABSTRACTThe study of formal planning in nonprofits and the public sector is thriving, with management gurus providing abundant advice on its value and proper execution. We address a related, but broader issue: why has the management tool of formal planning become prevalent in organizations with a public goal in the first place? To answer this question, we draw on insights from institutional theories of organization, bringing a fresh perspective to the increasingly common practice of formal planning in the administration of public entities. Using a unique dataset constructed from interviews with a random, representative sample of the leaders of 200 nonprofits in the San Francisco Bay Area, we analyze the factors associated with the presence of a formal plan. We combine the interview data with details on organizational characteristics from tax reports and consider the features of nonprofits that plan using logistic regression. The findings reveal that size and capacity are important, but links to an external, rationalized environment dampen the effects of both. Thus, functional factors, while important, are insufficient to explain why nonprofits engage in planning. For those interested in promoting formal planning as a management tool, our findings provide insight into other organizational features that promote the use of planning. And for those concerned with the potentially deleterious effects of this tool in the nonprofit sector, we show that certain types of organizations seem adept at maintaining a less formal structure. 相似文献
465.
Patricia Boling 《政策研究评论》1994,13(1-2):91-110
This article explains why the Supreme Court's privacy jurisprudence has become deeply problematic for addressing emerging reproductive and sexual choice issues, focusing on abortion funding, minors seeking abortions, adults engaging in consenting homosexual sex, and pregnant women accused of abusing their fetuses. The article makes two arguments. First, it contends that what is private about the rights asserted in cases like Eisenstadt v. Baird and Roe v. Wade has never been fully articulated nor defended, leaving these central decisions conceptually unpersuasive. Second, the article shows that "privacy" is used in two very different senses in Supreme Court constitutional right-to-privacy decisions: one rooted in respect for marriage and the family, the other in notions of personal autonomy. Although both senses deserve to be protected, the court has tended to prefer the familial sense of privacy to the autonomy one, with serious consequences for privacy concerns that are not connected to family relationships or that are perceived as undercutting "family values." 相似文献
466.
The analysis in this article addresses the resurfacing of Mitteleuropain the populist discourse or, more precisely, the use of Mitteleuropa-ideas in the political strategies of the Austrian FPÖ (Austria's right-wing `Freedom Party'). The plans of the future European assessment spread by the European right-wing populism have an ambiguous character, which partly reproduces the ambiguity of the traditional definitions ofMitteleuropa in the debate at the beginning of the twentieth century. The article shows that the FPÖ's use of the concept ofMitteleuropa must be analysed with regard to the problem of the Austrian identity, because the ambiguous status of an ‘Austrian identity between Mitteleuropa and German re-union’ is the most important condition underpinning the emergence of the FPÖ. Secondly, the choice of a particular idea ofMitteleuropa - the Mitteleuropadefined by principles of exclusion, by a strong German culture and identity (Kulturnation), and strict reference to a Volksgemeinschaft with a territory and a culture that are juxtaposed to a cosmopolitan and liberal idea of Mitteleuropa- reveals the FPÖ's historical legacy and its opposition towards democracy and the representative institutions. Finally, the question is raised as to whether Haider should be considered not only an Austrian phenomenon, but an Austrian reaction to political and economic transformations, which evoke other protest movements in Europe. On the one hand, Haider is an Austrian phenomenon. On the other hand, he represents an Austrian reaction to political and economic transformations. In this sense, Haider's populism can be compared to France's Le Pen or Belgium's Vlaams Blokif we look at the form of popular legitimacy that they invoke, the request for a re-territorialisation of politics and for the defence of a national / European identity, and the opposition to constitutional patriotism and to all forms of ``thin'' European identities. 相似文献
467.
468.
Annemieke Benschop Lana D. Harrison Dirk J. Korf Patricia G. Erickson 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2006,12(1):61-78
Despite their common multi-ethnic populations, the meaning and application of the term ethnicity varies between the United States, Canada and the Netherlands. This paper attempts the construction of a racial/ethnic measure that enables meaningful cross-national comparisons. As part of the Drugs, Alcohol and Violence International (DAVI) project, the link between different measures of ethnicity and alcohol use, drug use, violence, and delinquency was studied within samples of 14- to 17-year-old juvenile detainees and dropouts in Philadelphia, Toronto and Amsterdam. Results showed a relationship between origin (the most discriminating of ethnicity measures) and alcohol and drug use, but not violence-related behaviour. Differences in substance use and violence were more attributable to differences between countries and samples than between ‘western’ and ‘non-western’ youth.Annemieke Benschop (MSc) is a researcher at the Bonger Institute of Criminology at the University of Amsterdam. Lana D. Harrison (MA, PhD) is Associate Director of the Center for Drug and Alcohol Studies and a Professor at the University of Delaware (Newark, DE). Dirk J. Korf (MA, PhD) is an Associate Professor and Research Director at the Bonger Institute of Criminology at the University of Amsterdam, and an Associate Professor in Criminology at Utrecht University. Patricia Erickson (MA, PhD) is a Senior Scientist with the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health (CAMH) in Toronto (Canada) and a cross-appointed Professor in Sociology and Criminology at the University of Toronto. 相似文献
469.
Patricia L Howard 《Development in Practice》2002,12(2):164-176
Gender experts who formulate planning frameworks and strategies for mainstreaming gender issues in organisational policies and programmes usually characterise non-expert policy makers and planners as either active resisters or passive implementers rather than as capable change agents. Because of this, more resistance to gender mainstreaming is encountered than is necessary, and mainstreaming programmes often fail to take into account the needs and contributions of planners as stakeholders. The paper discusses these shortcomings and presents cases from the UN system in which the author was involved, where organisational change and mainstreaming were based on stakeholder participation that began to overcome some commonly identified limitations. 相似文献
470.
Diana Bilimoria Susan R. Perry Xiangfen Liang Eleanor Palo Stoller Patricia Higgins Cyrus Taylor 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2006,31(3):355-365
In this study we examine how a sample of 248 male and female professors at a Midwestern private research university construct
their academic job satisfaction. Our findings indicate that both women and men perceive that their job satisfaction is influenced
by the institutional leadership and mentoring they receive, but only as mediated by the two key academic processes of access
to internal academic resources (including research-supportive workloads) and internal relational supports from a collegial
and inclusive immediate work environment. Gender differences emerged in the strengths of the perceived paths leading to satisfaction:
women’s job satisfaction derived more from their perceptions of the internal relational supports than the academic resources
they received, whereas men’s job satisfaction resulted equally from their perceptions of internal academic resources and internal
relational supports received. Implications for leadership and institutional practices are drawn from the findings. 相似文献