Family-owned,limited close corporations and protection of ownership

Protected ownership and freedom of contracts are two basic parts of the institutional framework of successful countries according to Douglass North, winner of the Nobel Prize in 1993. The incentives to make long-term investments are strengthened if ownership rights are protected and freedom of contracts is a basic element in the process of efficient allocation of scarce resources. An important engine in prosperous societies is the family firm. Most companies in these societies can be classified as family firms and a major part of GDP is produced by family businesses. Consequently, how ownership is protected in family firms is an important issue.Three important factors of private ownership of property are the rights to determine use of owned assets, the return generated from them and to transfer the assets at mutually agreeable terms to a new owner(s).The incentives of a founder entrepreneur to put efforts into the establishment of a firm are determined by all the three factors. We will here pay special attention to the third factor, transfer of the ownership of the firm. The founder often places contractual restrictions on such transfers to ensure that the structure of ownership is stable and that the firm stays in the family. The possibility to do so is part of the freedom of contracts and is associated with the extent of ownership held as well as the incentives to invest in new businesses.This paper is primarily about how protection of family ownership can be achieved from a legal point of view and discusses the reasons to enforce these legal relationships in the future for second, third, fourth etc. generations of family owners.     

Voluntary policing in Sweden: media reports of contemporary forms of police–citizen partnerships

Many Western-style democracies have witnessed a general shift in the distribution of crime prevention responsibility, away from the state and increasingly to citizens themselves. Civil society is today more and more often called upon as an additional policing resource. This article explores the phenomenon of voluntary citizen participation in policing in Sweden, based on an analysis of 9280 news-media articles. One state-sanctioned (the Volunteers of the Police) and one autonomous civic (Missing People Sweden) initiative were examined, from their respective start until 2017, to understand the role played by police–citizen partnerships in the establishment and legitimation of voluntary policing forms in Sweden. A high degree of integration between police and volunteer work was found, enabling not only effective citizen participation, but also having an influence on police operations. The more effective and publicly visible the voluntary policing bodies were, the more pressure there was on the police to defend its legitimacy, ally itself with the volunteers and regulate the latter’s activities while holding them responsible for their actions. Arguably, however, with the police–citizen relationship being one of integration and mutual dependence, the division of labour and the accountability of both parties risk becoming blurred or even confused.     

The one-third rule: Learning about the net economic benefit of a subsidy from a single observation

The subsidization of a natural monopoly is justified on welfare-economic grounds if the resulting total economic surplus exceeds total costs. Using rather standard assumptions, a simple check, managing with a minimum of information and, in particular, without virtually any knowledge of the demand curve, is developed which is capable of confirming an existing economic case for subsidization.     

Formal and informal dimensions of intergovernmental administrative relations in Canada

Abstract: The past two decades have witnessed significant changes in Canadian federalism and intergovernmental relations. This article investigates how developments in federalism and public administration in the 1990s have affected intergovernmental administrative machinery and the formal and informal structures, functions, and resources of intergovernmental relations compared to findings from the 1980s. Using a survey, interviews with senior intergovernmental officials, and government documents, this paper examines the evolution of the intergovernmental administrative state as opposed to the political realm of executive federalism. The authors outline how the formal structures and functions of intergovernmental agencies and officials have evolved and argue that informal intergovernmental networks are very important in understanding and explaining the capacity of the federation to meet current and future policy and administrative challenges. Sommaire: Au cours des deux dernières décennies, d'importants changements se sont produits au sein du fédéralisme et des relations intergouvernementales au Canada. Le présent article examine comment les récents développements intervenus dans le fédéralisme et l'administration publique dans les années 1990 ont affecté les rouages administratifs intergouvernementaux et les structures officielles et non officielles, ainsi que les fonctions et ressources des relations intergouvernementales au cours de deux dernièves décennies comparativement aux résultats des années 1980. A l'aide d'un sondage, d'interviews de hauts fonctionnaires intergouvernementaux et de documents gouvernementaux, cet article étudie l'évolution de l'État administratif intergouvernemental par opposition au domaine politique du fédéralisme exécutif. Les auteurs ébauchent la façon dont les structures et les fonctions officielles des organismes et des hauts fonctionnaires intergouvernementaux ont évolué et soutiennent que les réseaux intergouvernementaux non officiels sont très importants pour comprendre et expliquer l'aptitude de la fédération à relever les défis politiques et administratifs présents et futurs.     

Changing security cultures in Europe and Southeast Asia: Implications for inter-regionalism

Recent development in Southeast Asia demonstrates a slowly but steadily changing security culture from, first, an informal, consensus-based and often hidden way of managing security to a more open and explicit discourse and, second, from a statist realist definition of security as hard or military security to a broader, liberal understanding that covers the whole spectrum of human, economic and environmental security. This security culture in the making also touches upon formerly tabooed issues such as sovereignty and humanitarian intervention. The paper argues that the new approach has removed obstacles in relations between Europe and East Asia and contributed to the emergence of security as a cornerstone of the co-operation agenda since 1998. At the same time, however, a rapid translation of the inter-regional discourse on security into a working programme or even specific policies is hindered by the prevalence of diverging views on the nature, scope and degree of institutionalisation in Europe-East Asia relations.