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911.
Although voluminous research connects the neo-Kantian triad—democracy, economic interdependence, and intergovernmental organization membership—to amelioration of conflict processes, comparatively little is known about how these factors relate to economic coercion. We advance the relevant literature on neo-Kantianism and the determinants of sanction decisions by (1) analyzing the impact of all three neo-Kantian factors on economic coercion and (2) assessing the effects of these factors across both the onset of threat and imposition of sanctions. Results from the time-series, cross-national data analyses indicate a significant but complex connection between the neo-Kantian variables and sanctions. Specifically, we find that although democratic regimes are less likely to threaten each other with sanctions, once a threat is made, democracies are more likely to impose sanctions against each other. Economic interdependence and common IGO membership are likely to increase the probability of sanction threats. Yet, the results also suggest that common IGO membership decreases the probability of sanction imposition while economic interdependence has no statistically significant effect on the decision to impose sanctions. Overall, these results highlight the importance of a more nuanced study of sanction decisions for a better understanding of the factors that lead to sanction use. 相似文献
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Ninety one men were interviewed regarding their intimate relationships and childhood experiences. A secondary analysis of an extant data set was conducted to explore the applicability of Bowlby's attachment theory in explaining the etiology of male intimate violence. Various attachment-related variables were hypothesized to be related to male intimate violence. Results of a hierarchical regression analysis indicated that the attachment cluster of variables served as unique predictors of male intimate violence. The male's perceived relationship support and recollection of maternal relationship were the two significant predictors of male intimate violence within the attachment cluster. Race and education were also found to be significant predictors of male violence toward a female intimate. 相似文献
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Since the Vietnam War, scholarly interest in public and elite opinion of U.S. foreign policy has grown. Because elites generally have greater access to policy makers and more consistent political views, most work on this topic has focused on elite opinions of foreign policy. Most research has defined the term elite broadly, often placing more emphasis on social status than political power. We will reexamine elite foreign policy beliefs using a different elite, presidential campaign contributors. We have two main goals in this article. First, we will assess the differences between the foreign policy outlooks of political campaign contributors and other elites. While many types of elites may influence policy, political contributors are particularly likely to gain access to policy makers. The second part of this research note offers some food for thought on the origins of these beliefs. We present evidence that foreign policy beliefs are related to the same ideological orientations that shape contributors' views on domestic issues. The origins of foreign and domestic policy views should probably be considered together. 相似文献
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Patrick Hughes 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》1995,54(2):163-169
Abstract: Guidelines for government communication fail to acknowledge that they express a particular model of communication—a Process model—and that other models of communication exist which imply different communication strategies. This article discusses the practical and conceptual limitations of the Process model of communication, outlines alternative models from Semiotics and from Cultural Studies, and considers the communication strategies which each one offers to governments. The article draws on a recent study of the controversy surrounding the Australian federal government's Quality Improvement and Accreditation scheme for child care. 相似文献
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