The UK is generally considered a laboratory for styles of governance influenced by New Public Management: outsourcing, internal markets, targets, auditing. The shifts in governance style, and the new instruments that have accompanied them, were once synonymous with “Thatcherism” but have since been adopted and refined by New Labour. Early critical social scientific analyses deployed the Gramscian notion of hegemony to analyse this shift. This was followed by Foucault inspired analyses of “governmentality”. The latter focused more explicitly on the micro-level of conduct. This article follows that lead, but seeks to address the central puzzles thrown up by this experiment through Max Weber’s conception of a “bureaucratic revolution” and Karl Polanyi’s analysis of the constitution of a “market subject” via a “double movement”: a simultaneous loosening and tightening of control. The Weber-Polanyi approach allows us, we argue, to make the link more explicit between micro-level changes in the “conduct of life” (Lebensführung) and the meso-level instruments designed to bring about such a re-orientation of conduct. The article makes the case with reference to empirical material from a number of public services, notably education and health. Overall, the decisive factor is not a weakening of the state, but a change in its capacities and instruments. 相似文献
It is argued that the current debate surrounding the revision of article 9 of the Japanese peace constitution has shifted
from a debate on non-violent ideals and principles rooted in the pacifism of Shidehara, spiritual father of article 9, to
a more pragmatic logic of military action and Realpolitik which lacks intellectual depth, foresight and historical awareness.
The article questions the inherent logic that tries to give a purpose to the military and gain international reputation by
reinterpreting article 9 indiscriminately. Since 2004, the overseas dispatch of SDF forces into the Iraq combat zone has split
the nation more than ever and a national consensus on what article 9 should stand for is further threatened by Government
attempts to extend the application of article 9 to military activities outside Japan under the banner of collective defense.
Ahead of the 2009 general election for the Lower House opposition and ruling parties have apparently agreed that time has
come to review the text of article 9 for the first time after the war based on the premises of Realpolitik. Article 9 in its
current wording still represents a very cherished core principle to the nation as a whole despite the military buildup and
despite the tacit acceptance of the SDF and of the right to limited self-defense. The current popular mood against collective
self-defense, against the overseas deployment of SDF, against the unequitable US-Japan Security Treaty and against nuclear
weapons- termed “negative pacifism”- differs from the voluntarist security policies in the election platforms of the LDP and
DPJ. Ordinary citizens in and outside Japan have challenged the political elite by teaming up to preach the peaceful spirit
of article 9 to the world. It is asserted that the intended revision of article 9 has caused lasting changes in civic political
grass-root culture. 相似文献
Cast-off stains are common patterns found at crime scenes involving blood shedding events. However, the analysis and interpretation of cast-off patterns remains an area lacking tools for crime scene investigators. Analyzing cast-off patterns may allow investigators to interpret the area from where an object may have been swung and thus determine the approximate location of a suspect or victim. This study looked at the position and distribution of cast-off patterns and area of origin as a starting point for the development of a method to analyze cast-off patterns. Through a series of tests using a controlled cast-off rig (n = 10), it was observed that a Path Volume Envelope (PVE) may be identified where the swinging path is contained in a volume along with an area of exclusion. The calculated center, linear position of the PVE was found to have an average error of just over 3.2 cm when compared to the known object swing path position. The maximum deviation of the PVE to the known swing path was found to be 5.0 cm with a standard deviation of 1.4 cm. Additional studies are required to investigate the effects of partial cast-off stains, wielded object velocity, direction of swing, distance from the projected surface, and other factors. The observations and analysis from this study were seen to be predictable and repeatable and may provide a possible new method for investigators to interpret cast-off stains. 相似文献
Having a sense of purpose is viewed as a benchmark of adaptive development. Though adolescence and emerging adulthood are viewed as central periods for the development of a purpose, work still is needed to understand the childhood factors that influence this developmental process. The current study provides an initial investigation into whether parent-child conflict during elementary school predicts later sense of purpose, assessed during emerging adulthood (mean age: 21.01 years; range: 19.97–23.53). The sample included 1074 students (50% female), and their parents, who both reported on their levels of parent-child conflict during grades 1–5. Higher levels of parent-child conflict were associated with lower levels of purpose in emerging adulthood. Moreover, the study examined whether these effects remained when predicting the variance unique to purpose while accounting for other indicators of well-being in emerging adulthood. Bi-factor models demonstrated that the child’s perception of mother-child conflict has a unique prospective effect on purpose in emerging adulthood, above and beyond its negative association with general well-being. The findings are discussed with respect to how positive parent-child relationships may prove important for starting youth on the path to purpose.
Do Americans care how much money congressional candidates earn? We conducted three experiments to examine how candidates' incomes affect voters' perceptions of the candidates' traits and ultimately their vote intention. Subjects evaluated otherwise identical candidates with annual incomes randomly varying between $75,000, $3 million, and a candidate with no income information provided. Results from the three experiments are remarkably similar. Subjects viewed the $3 million earner as significantly more intelligent than the candidate with no income information provided, but this benefit of high income was overshadowed by significant biases against the $3 million candidate. Subjects consistently viewed the $3 million earner as less honest, less caring, and less representative of them than the other candidates. Ultimately, subjects were less likely to say they would vote for the $3 million candidate. These findings demonstrate that the campaign advantages that high-income candidates enjoy are somewhat offset by voters' initial bias against them. 相似文献
The Supreme Court's decision in Pacific Bell Telephone Co. v. linkLine Communications, Inc. removed an important tool from competition regulators’ arsenals. Not only did the Court express skepticism about the existence of a price squeeze cause of action, but it also applied the economically mismatched predatory pricing test to price squeeze cases. Unfortunately, the lack of clarity on linkLine's reach also caused significant confusion in the lower courts. Examining these issues, this article clarifies the distinction between price squeeze and predatory pricing claims, and argues that the second step of the predatory pricing test, probability of recoupment, is inappropriate for price squeeze cases and should either be dropped from the test or replaced with a presumption of recoupment.相似文献
Public Choice - How much regulation exists? Can short- and long-term growth trends in regulation be identified? Which agencies produce the most regulation? Are some sectors of the economy more... 相似文献