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831.
Patrick Siler 《环境索赔杂志》2013,25(1):19-42
The controversial method of gas extraction known as hydraulic fracturing has revealed a critical issue within New York's Mineral Resources Law: Can a local government prohibit the practice through its zoning power? This piece analyzes supersession clauses found in other New York statutes, as well as the statutes of other jurisdictions. It criticizes the construction of the law by two lower courts in the recent decisions concerning the towns of Dryden and Middlefield, and applies recognized principles of statutory construction to determine that towns may not effect a prohibition of gas mining through local zoning ordinances. 相似文献
832.
Patrick Heller 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(5):645-672
This article examines the evolution of class politics and developmental strategies in the state of Kerala in South India. Following Independence, lower‐class mobilisation produced an agrarian transition and resulted in the consolidation of a redis‐tributive‐welfarist state. Since the early 1980s, however, the economic contradictions of labour militancy and redistribution in a sub‐national economy have resulted in the decline of the politics of class struggle in favour of the politics of class compromise. Labour militancy and opposition to capital have given way to corporatist arrangements that emphasise accumulationist strategies of development. This transition has been made possible by the mediating capacity of an interventionist state and the politically hegemonic position of the working class. 相似文献
833.
834.
This paper provides the first empirical test of the Portia Hypothesis:Females with masculine monikers are more successful in legalcareers. Utilizing South Carolina microdata, we look for correlationbetween an individual's advancement to a judgeship and his/hername's masculinity, which we construct from the joint empiricaldistribution of names and gender in the state's entire populationof registered voters. We find robust evidence that nominallymasculine females are favored over other females. Hence, ourresults support the Portia Hypothesis. 相似文献
835.
Ashley D. Lewis E. Scott Huebner Patrick S. Malone Robert F. Valois 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2011,40(3):249-262
Situated within a positive psychology perspective, this study explored linkages between adolescent students’ positive subjective
well-being and their levels of engagement in schooling. Specifically, using structural equation modeling techniques, we evaluated
the nature and directionality of longitudinal relationships between life satisfaction and student engagement variables. It
was hypothesized that adolescents’ life satisfaction and student engagement variables would show bidirectional relationships.
To test this hypothesis, 779 students (53% female, 62% Caucasian) in a Southeastern US middle school completed a measure of
global life satisfaction and measures of cognitive, emotional, and behavioral engagement at two time points, 5 months apart.
A statistically significant bidirectional relationship between life satisfaction and cognitive engagement was found; however,
non-significant relationships were found between life satisfaction and emotional and behavioral student engagement. The findings
provide important evidence of the role of early adolescents’ life satisfaction in their engagement in schooling during the
important transition grades between elementary and high school. The findings also help extend the positive psychology perspective
to the relatively neglected context of education. 相似文献
836.
A New Cosmology of Risks and Crises: Time for a Radical Shift in Paradigm and Practice 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Patrick Lagadec 《政策研究评论》2009,26(4):473-486
Crises in the twenty-first century differ—structurally—from those we had to deal with in the last century. Crises of the twentieth century were traditionally defined and handled as a combination of "threat, urgency, and uncertainty." Today, crises are better described in terms of a destruction of vital references and a dynamic of systemic implosions. If crises were once a type of severe, dynamic accident, they are now the essential mode of life in our hypercomplex systems. These transboundary crises mark a watershed between mind-sets and tools of the past, and the new strategic landscape that we are now in. The intellectual and governance challenges are extreme. But looking back is not an option. It is vital to forge new routes into Terrae Incognitae . The goal of this article is to help build (1) a renewed understanding of the emerging challenges we face; and (2) a better strategic response to these systemic dislocations. 相似文献
837.
Be like bees - the politics of mobilizing farmers for development in Tigray, Ethiopia 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Segers Kaatje; Dessein Joost; Hagberg Sten; Develtere Patrick; Haile Mitiku; Deckers Jozef 《African affairs》2009,108(430):91-109
Based on long-term ethnographic research, this article analysesthe relations between local politics and farmers participationin rural development in Tigray (Ethiopia). It takes an actor-orientedapproach and focuses on local government officials and farmerrepresentatives, who mediate between the government agenciesthat undertake rural development programmes and the farmerswhom they address. To reach the target numbers of programmebeneficiaries, these local development brokers mobilizefarmers to participate. They capitalize upon the historicallegitimacy of the 1975–91 revolution against the militaryDerg dictatorship in which the Tigray People's Liberation Front(TPLF), now heading the national government, and Tigray's ruralpopulation successfully joined forces. They revitalize farmerscollective memory of this alliance and reinvent the revolutionarygrassroots institutions through which it was realized. The effectsof mobilization on participation in development are most evidentamong farmers who are members of the TPLF. A TPLF-developmentnexus arises, structuring local political career opportunitiesalong the lines of development. The case study attempts to contributeto an empirical understanding of the entanglement of local politicsand local development brokerage in rural African societies. 相似文献
838.
The UK is generally considered a laboratory for styles of governance influenced by New Public Management: outsourcing, internal markets, targets, auditing. The shifts in governance style, and the new instruments that have accompanied them, were once synonymous with “Thatcherism” but have since been adopted and refined by New Labour. Early critical social scientific analyses deployed the Gramscian notion of hegemony to analyse this shift. This was followed by Foucault inspired analyses of “governmentality”. The latter focused more explicitly on the micro-level of conduct. This article follows that lead, but seeks to address the central puzzles thrown up by this experiment through Max Weber’s conception of a “bureaucratic revolution” and Karl Polanyi’s analysis of the constitution of a “market subject” via a “double movement”: a simultaneous loosening and tightening of control. The Weber-Polanyi approach allows us, we argue, to make the link more explicit between micro-level changes in the “conduct of life” (Lebensführung) and the meso-level instruments designed to bring about such a re-orientation of conduct. The article makes the case with reference to empirical material from a number of public services, notably education and health. Overall, the decisive factor is not a weakening of the state, but a change in its capacities and instruments. 相似文献
839.
Patrick Hein 《East Asia》2009,26(4):285-304
It is argued that the current debate surrounding the revision of article 9 of the Japanese peace constitution has shifted
from a debate on non-violent ideals and principles rooted in the pacifism of Shidehara, spiritual father of article 9, to
a more pragmatic logic of military action and Realpolitik which lacks intellectual depth, foresight and historical awareness.
The article questions the inherent logic that tries to give a purpose to the military and gain international reputation by
reinterpreting article 9 indiscriminately. Since 2004, the overseas dispatch of SDF forces into the Iraq combat zone has split
the nation more than ever and a national consensus on what article 9 should stand for is further threatened by Government
attempts to extend the application of article 9 to military activities outside Japan under the banner of collective defense.
Ahead of the 2009 general election for the Lower House opposition and ruling parties have apparently agreed that time has
come to review the text of article 9 for the first time after the war based on the premises of Realpolitik. Article 9 in its
current wording still represents a very cherished core principle to the nation as a whole despite the military buildup and
despite the tacit acceptance of the SDF and of the right to limited self-defense. The current popular mood against collective
self-defense, against the overseas deployment of SDF, against the unequitable US-Japan Security Treaty and against nuclear
weapons- termed “negative pacifism”- differs from the voluntarist security policies in the election platforms of the LDP and
DPJ. Ordinary citizens in and outside Japan have challenged the political elite by teaming up to preach the peaceful spirit
of article 9 to the world. It is asserted that the intended revision of article 9 has caused lasting changes in civic political
grass-root culture. 相似文献
840.
The intensification of the financial and economic crisis in Europe has added a new impetus to the debate over the possibilities for securing supranational fiscal integration within the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). Since the literature on the European Union’s response to the crisis is dominated by the study of intergovernmental politics, this article considers the previously neglected role of the Commission. A framing analysis of the Commission’s crisis discourse is operationalised here, which is supplemented by interviews with senior officials located in the Directorate General for Economic and Financial Affairs (DG ECFIN) during key phases of the crisis. It is found that a supranational reform agenda was never internalised by the Commission. Instead, the Commission acted strategically by framing the crisis around intergovernmental fiscal discipline. These findings suggest that, in line with the ‘new intergovernmentalist’ thesis, supranational institutions themselves may not be as ‘hard-wired’ towards supranationalism as is often assumed. 相似文献