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841.
Patrick Emmenegger 《Scandinavian political studies》2010,33(3):271-294
Flexicurity has become a prominent policy recommendation in recent years. However, little is known about the actual development of flexicurity in the country most often associated with it – namely Denmark. This is particularly the case for one of the three ‘pillars’ of flexicurity: low levels of job security regulations. This article fills this gap in the scholarly literature. It demonstrates that regime attributes are often not the result of policy making by wise policy designers, but unintended consequences of contingent choices made with the purpose of winning short‐term political gains. Comparing the development of job security regulations in Denmark and Sweden, the article shows that the two countries followed a similar path until the late 1960s. In both, job regulations were part of collective agreements. However, in the 1960s the labour movement started to demand more restrictions, which resulted in the 1974 Employment Protection Act in Sweden. No such change happened in Denmark. Two crucial differences can explain this unequal development. First, societal pressure for regulation was larger in Sweden than in Denmark. And second, the Swedish labour movement was stronger and more unified. When the Danish trade union movement could have turned to the political arena, the 1973 ‘earthquake’ election and the resulting fragmentation of the party system closed the window for all‐left majority governments in Denmark. Without reliable partners to the left and no majority of their own, Danish Social Democrats were not able to pass restrictive job security regulations against the will of employers' associations. 相似文献
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Patrick Porter 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(4):557-577
As the United States became a world Power, journalist and intellectual Walter Lippmann feared that it would become its own worst enemy. During and after the Second World War, he tried to steer the country towards coherent statecraft, to define the national interest and the limits of power, and give geopolitical expression to the role of the United States as the core of an Atlantic strategic system. But in response to world war, the Truman Doctrine, and the Korean War, he became pessimistic about the country's ability to conduct strategy effectively. In the prophetic tradition, he believed that a fatal symbiosis between America's growing strength and domestic politics led it towards crisis. Though at times ahistorical, Lippmann's concept of strategy deserves attention for its dialogue between power and identity, for its questioning of “ends” as well as means, and for its focus on the danger of self-defeating behaviour. 相似文献
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Patrick Siler 《环境索赔杂志》2013,25(1):19-42
The controversial method of gas extraction known as hydraulic fracturing has revealed a critical issue within New York's Mineral Resources Law: Can a local government prohibit the practice through its zoning power? This piece analyzes supersession clauses found in other New York statutes, as well as the statutes of other jurisdictions. It criticizes the construction of the law by two lower courts in the recent decisions concerning the towns of Dryden and Middlefield, and applies recognized principles of statutory construction to determine that towns may not effect a prohibition of gas mining through local zoning ordinances. 相似文献
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Patrick Heller 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(5):645-672
This article examines the evolution of class politics and developmental strategies in the state of Kerala in South India. Following Independence, lower‐class mobilisation produced an agrarian transition and resulted in the consolidation of a redis‐tributive‐welfarist state. Since the early 1980s, however, the economic contradictions of labour militancy and redistribution in a sub‐national economy have resulted in the decline of the politics of class struggle in favour of the politics of class compromise. Labour militancy and opposition to capital have given way to corporatist arrangements that emphasise accumulationist strategies of development. This transition has been made possible by the mediating capacity of an interventionist state and the politically hegemonic position of the working class. 相似文献