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Since the Vietnam War, scholarly interest in public and elite opinion of U.S. foreign policy has grown. Because elites generally have greater access to policy makers and more consistent political views, most work on this topic has focused on elite opinions of foreign policy. Most research has defined the term elite broadly, often placing more emphasis on social status than political power. We will reexamine elite foreign policy beliefs using a different elite, presidential campaign contributors. We have two main goals in this article. First, we will assess the differences between the foreign policy outlooks of political campaign contributors and other elites. While many types of elites may influence policy, political contributors are particularly likely to gain access to policy makers. The second part of this research note offers some food for thought on the origins of these beliefs. We present evidence that foreign policy beliefs are related to the same ideological orientations that shape contributors' views on domestic issues. The origins of foreign and domestic policy views should probably be considered together. 相似文献
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Patrick Hughes 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》1995,54(2):163-169
Abstract: Guidelines for government communication fail to acknowledge that they express a particular model of communication—a Process model—and that other models of communication exist which imply different communication strategies. This article discusses the practical and conceptual limitations of the Process model of communication, outlines alternative models from Semiotics and from Cultural Studies, and considers the communication strategies which each one offers to governments. The article draws on a recent study of the controversy surrounding the Australian federal government's Quality Improvement and Accreditation scheme for child care. 相似文献
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Patrick Milne 《The Modern law review》1995,58(3):412-417
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Corporate law in the United States involves dual regulation.Although state and federal corporate law typically functionwithout mutual interference, the last thirty years have revealedpotential conflicts, chiefly in two situations. One involvescivil remedies for investors under federal securities statutes;the other is state anti-takeover regulation and its relationshipto the federal Williams Act. The postwar years until 1975 sawperhaps too much reliance on the federal component of corporateregulation. Since 1975, there has been a renaissance of statelaw. Recently, however, appreciation for state regulatory authoritymay have degenerated into hostility to the will of Congress.The authors argue that the core interpretive task in federalsecurities law is preservation of both regimes to maximum effect,because the Congress has expressly declared that state authorityshould continue adjacent to federal regulation. 相似文献