Traditions of governance: interpreting the changing role of the public sector

The role of the state is changing under the impact of, for example, globalization. The changes have been variously understood as the new public management (NPM), the hollowing–out of the state and the new governance. This special issue of Public Administration explores the changing role of the state in advanced industrial democracies. It focuses on the puzzle of why states respond differently to common trends.
This introductory article has three aims. First, we provide a brief review of the existing literature on public sector reform to show that our approach is distinctive. We argue that the existing literature does not explore the ways in which governmental traditions shape reform. Second, we outline an interpretive approach to the analysis of public sector reform built on the notions of beliefs, traditions, dilemmas and narratives. We provide brief illustrations of these ideas drawn from the individual country articles. Finally, we outline the ground covered by all the chapters but we do not summarize and compare their experiences of reform. That task is reserved for the concluding article.     

The generality of criminal behavior: A confirmatory factor analysis of the criminal activity of sex offenders in adulthood

The presence of a general construct of deviance had not been investigated in sex offenders in spite of the presumption of specialization that characterized them. Consequently, the aim of this study was to investigate whether sex offenders' criminal behavior could be explained by a general construct of deviance. A semi-structured interview was conducted with each subject in order to assess deviant behavior during the life course. The official criminal behavior of 388 convicted sex offenders was analyzed using confirmatory factor analysis. The pattern of covariance observed showed that the onset, frequency, and variety of criminal activity in adulthood could be explained by a general construct of deviance in sexual aggressors. The results, however, also suggested that child molesters' frequency of sexual crime was not part of a general construct of deviance. In other words, the offending behavior of sexual aggressors of women was predominantly versatile, whereas that of sexual aggressors of children tended to be more specific, at least for one dimension of their criminal activity.     

The influence of individual and community-level child mortality on fertility in Egypt

Child mortality was analyzed in relation to 3 dimensions of reproductive behavior: birth intervals, additional children desired, and contraceptive use. Study data were drawn from a 1978 survey conducted in 2 predominantly rural governorates, Beheira and Kafr El-Sheikh, in lower Egypt. Within each governorate, 2 districts were selected on the basis of their distance from the capital of the governorate, agricultural output by major crops, percent of the population urban, infant mortality rate, and crude birthrate. Within each of the 4 districts, villages were randomly drawn from 3 strata: villages lacking any governmental services; villages with limited services (health center or primary school); and villages served by a combined unit center providing integrated services. A random sample of household heads was selected from household registration records of the provision office of each district. 1200 interviews were obtained from 685 households. Restriction of the sample to women with 1 or more live births, and the elimination of 13 cases with incomplete or inaccurate information, yielded 1010 cases for analysis. The basic measure of actual fertility was birth intervals. For the total sample and within each age category, cumulative fertility is higher the greater the number of child deaths. The data demonstrate a strong relationship between child mortality experience and cumulative fertility. The problem lies in interpreting such results. With some exceptions, birth intervals increased as expected with increasing parity. Women without child death experience displayed longer birth intervals than women who had not lost a child. With the single exception of the 7th parity women, all differences were statistically significant. The data fail to eliminate potential biological influences on subsequent fertility. With biological influences adequately controlled, no behavioral differences remained. Women who experienced child mortality desired greater numbers of additional children than women without child death experience. 19% of respondents were ever users of contraception, with women of low parity the least likely ever to have used contraception.     

Le contrôle politique des organismes autonomes à fonctions régulatrices et quasi-judiciaires

Sommaire. Le contrǒle politique des organismes autonomes à functions régulatrices et quasi-judiciaires est celui qu'exercent le Parlement et le gouvernement sur l'opportunité des mesures qu'adoptent ces organismes et qui doivent ětre appréciées en regard de l'intérět général. L'octroi d'un large pouvoir discrétionnaire en matière d'élaboration et d'application de la politique suivant un processus qualifié par notre droit de quasi-judiciaire soulève des difficultés considerables qui nous obligent à revoir les principes měmes qui régissent les rapports entre ces « tribunaux administratifs » et l'autorité politique parlementaire et gouvernementale. Les techniques de contrǒle utilisées dans la législation relative aux grandes régies fédérales notamment, la cct , le crtc , l’one , sou-lèvent également des difficultés. Ainsi, lorsqu'existe un droit d'appel au gouverneur en conseil ou au ministre, on s'interroge sur la portée de ces recours par rapport aux recours à la Cour fédérale prévus par la Loi sur la Cour fédéraLe ou d'autres lois particulières. De měme lorsque la législation prévoit des moyens de contrǒle à priori, tel le pouvoir d'émettre des directives, on se demande quelles sont les sanctions possibles dans le cas où le tribunal refuse ou néglige d'y donner suite. Ces problèmes sont au coeur des recherches en cours sur certains aspects du développement des principaux tribunaux administratifs ou organismes autonomes à functions régulatrices et quasi-judiciaires. Abstract. Political control of autonomous regulatory and quasi-judicial bodies is the control exercised by Parliament and the government over the actions of these bodies to assess their opportunity in regard to the general interest. The granting of wide discretionary power in the elaboration and application of policies following a procedure qualified in law as quasi-judicial raises considerable difficulties with respect to the very principles which determine the relations between these administrative tribunals and parliamentary and governmental political authority. With respect to the control techniques employed in the legislation relating especially to the major federal commissions such as the ctc , the crtc and the neb , these difficulties are particularly evident. On the one hand, when a right of appeal to the Governor-in-Council or the Minister exists, what is the extent of these remedies in relation to the recourse to the Federal Court granted by the Federal Court Act or other special statutes? When legislation provides for a priori controls such as the power to issue directives, what are the possible sanctions in the event that the tribunal refuses or neglects to follow them? These problems are at the very heart of present research on certain aspects of the development of the major administrative tribunals and autonomous bodies exercising regulatory and quasi-judicial functions.     

Delaying Justice(s): A Duration Analysis of Supreme Court Confirmations

Presidents traditionally have had great success when nominating justices to the Supreme Court, with confirmation being the norm and rejection being the rare exception. While the confirmation process usually ends with the nominee taking a seat on the Court, however, there is a great deal of variance in the amount of time it takes the Senate to act. To derive a theoretical explanation of this underlying dynamic in the confirmation process, we draw on a spatial model of presidential nominations to the Court. We then employ a hazard model to test this explanation, using data on all Supreme Court nominations and confirmations since the end of the Civil War. Our primary finding is that the duration of the confirmation process increases as the ideological distance between the president and the Senate increases. We also find evidence that suggests that the duration increases for critical nominees and chief justices and decreases for older nominees, current and previous senators, and nominees with prior experience on state and federal district courts .