全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1077篇 |
免费 | 63篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 60篇 |
工人农民 | 60篇 |
世界政治 | 67篇 |
外交国际关系 | 78篇 |
法律 | 475篇 |
中国政治 | 19篇 |
政治理论 | 368篇 |
综合类 | 13篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 10篇 |
2022年 | 8篇 |
2021年 | 10篇 |
2020年 | 28篇 |
2019年 | 35篇 |
2018年 | 36篇 |
2017年 | 46篇 |
2016年 | 56篇 |
2015年 | 32篇 |
2014年 | 47篇 |
2013年 | 145篇 |
2012年 | 39篇 |
2011年 | 43篇 |
2010年 | 34篇 |
2009年 | 36篇 |
2008年 | 31篇 |
2007年 | 35篇 |
2006年 | 46篇 |
2005年 | 44篇 |
2004年 | 31篇 |
2003年 | 49篇 |
2002年 | 39篇 |
2001年 | 24篇 |
2000年 | 18篇 |
1999年 | 15篇 |
1998年 | 17篇 |
1997年 | 21篇 |
1996年 | 6篇 |
1995年 | 10篇 |
1994年 | 7篇 |
1993年 | 15篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 8篇 |
1990年 | 9篇 |
1989年 | 9篇 |
1988年 | 8篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 8篇 |
1985年 | 11篇 |
1983年 | 5篇 |
1982年 | 5篇 |
1981年 | 6篇 |
1980年 | 7篇 |
1979年 | 6篇 |
1978年 | 7篇 |
1977年 | 6篇 |
1975年 | 4篇 |
1974年 | 4篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
1972年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有1140条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
Sizable economic consequences may resultfrom listing under the Endangered SpeciesAct (ESA). Potentially adversely affectedparties will attempt to use the politicalprocess to protect their interests. Thequestion is, “are listing determinationssubject to political manipulation?” Inthis paper, we explore empirically thepossibility that implementation of the ESAis determined, in part, by politicalconsiderations. Specifically, weinvestigate whether states with strongcongressional representation are able touse their political muscle to reduce thenumber of listings in their states, ascompared to states with weak congressionalrepresentation. Controlling for otherfactors, we find that states with greaterrepresentation on the U.S. Fish andWildlife Service’s budgetary oversightsubcommittee in the U.S. House ofRepresentatives have significantly fewerESA listings than states with weakerrepresentation on that subcommittee. 相似文献
22.
Lyana Patrick 《Human Rights Review》2004,5(3):92-102
Conclusion In 1996, the National Association of Salvadoran Indians participated in a UN-sponsored conference on the development of forest
resources. Their involvement in the conference highlighted the growing international presence of Salvadoran indigenous organizations.
Unfortunately, there is also very limited information available on these groups. As some have commented:
The Salvadoran Indians … are an invisible or ghostly presence in the country: cautious in their public presence as an ethnic
community, officially non-existent—yet still recognised by neighbours, local municipal governments and, most importantly,
by themselves as indios.
As the country becomes more accessible to researchers and as indigenous Salvadorans gain a stronger foothold in the international
forum, it is very likely indigneous peoples will emerge from the historical shadows to forcefully claim their rights as distinct
members of Salvadoran society. The obstacles they face are not inconsequential. State opposition to indigenous organizations
is strong and popular perceptions are often harder to dislodge than state policies. The widespread support gained by organizations
like ANIS during the civil war proves that there is sympathy for indigenous rights. It remains to be seen to what extent ANIS
and other organizations can use this support, and that of indigenous allies around the world, to promote the goals and aspirations
of indigenous Salvadorans. While the issue of indigenous rights has long been discussed in other countries, it is only beginning
to be addressed in El Salvador. 相似文献
23.
The 1998 federal election emphasizes the fact that in Australian politics the power of the major parties remains strong both in terms of voter identification and in terms of setting the policy agenda on which political contests are fought, say Professors John Wanna and Patrick Weller from the Department of Public Policy at Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia. The results of the election nevertheless illustrate a substantial level of discontent in the community, and the term of the next government promises frequent stalemates, as the clash between the House of Representatives and the Senate makes the passing of controversial legislation difficult. 相似文献
24.
25.
26.
The Edward Snowden leaks challenge policy makers and the public's understanding and perspectives on the role of security intelligence in liberal democratic states. This article explores the challenges confronting security intelligence collection by the ‘Five Eyes’ countries – particularly those most affected by the leaks. We argue that the debate now needs to move beyond simplistic notions of privacy vs. security to a more detailed understanding of the policy and ethical dilemmas confronting policy makers and intelligence agencies. To that end, we provide a schematic framework (methods, context and target) to promote a better understanding of the practical, policy and ethical problems for security intelligence collection emerging post Snowden. The framework is a first step in identifying common principles that could be used develop an ethically informed set of policy guidelines to help decision makers better navigate between citizen's two basic rights: security and privacy. 相似文献
27.
Patrick J. Haney 《管理》2012,25(4):716-718
28.
Patrick Polden 《The Journal of legal history》2013,34(3):37-68
This article explores the case of Anderson v Gorrie (1894) in which the Court of Appeal completed the immunity of judges from suit for actions whilst ostensibly sitting judicially and within their jurisdiction. They subsequently rejected an argument for an extension of the ambit of the decision in Dimes v Grand Junction Canal Company to judges sitting in a case in which they had an interest. The strength of the fortifications the judiciary had built around itself, erected on the bones of Anderson and others, must have been influenced by the concerns the judges felt – concerns with the influx of litigants in person, who sometimes pursued their cases all the way to the Lords, benefiting from the in forma pauperis procedure. 相似文献
29.
30.