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61.
Had Rousseau not been centrally concerned with freedom, some of the structural features of his political thought would be unaccountable. Above all, the notion of general will would not have become the core of his political philosophy. Rousseau's reasons for using 'general will' as his central political concept were essentially philosophical. The two terms of general will - 'will' and 'generality' - represent two main strands in his thought. 'Generality' stands for the rule of law, for civic education that draws us out of ourselves and towards the general (or common) good. 'Will' stands for Rousseau's conviction that civil association is 'the most voluntary act in the world', that 'to deprive your will of all freedom is to deprive your actions of all morality'. And if one could 'generalize' the will, so that it 'elects' only law, citizenship, and the common good, and avoids 'willful' self-love, then one would have a general will in Rousseau's particular sense. The distinctiveness of Rousseau's general will is further brought out through a comparison with Kant's 'good will' about which Rousseau would have felt severe doubts. 相似文献
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We show that temporal, spatial, and dyadic dependencies amongobservations complicate the estimation of covariance structuresin panel databases. Ignoring these dependencies results in covarianceestimates that are often too small and inferences that may bemore confident about empirical patterns than is justified bythe data. In this article, we detail the development of a nonparametricapproach, window subseries empirical variance estimators (WSEV),that can more fully capture the impact of these dependencieson the covariance structure. We illustrate this approach ina simulation as well as with a statistical model of internationalconflict similar to many applications in the international relationsliterature. 相似文献
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Christie J. Rizzo Shannon E. Daley Brent H. Gunderson 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2006,35(3):444-453
The role of interpersonal sensitivity in the relation between romantic stress and depression was examined in 55 adolescent girls from an inner-city high school. Depression, interpersonal sensitivity, and chronic and episodic romantic stress were measured at two time points, 6 months apart. Interpersonal sensitivity was found to moderate the longitudinal relation between romantic stress (both chronic and episodic) and depression. In contrast, interpersonal sensitivity did not potentiate depressive responses to non-romantic interpersonal stress, suggesting particular importance of stress in the romantic domain for adolescent girls. Results indicate that girls' sensitivities to romantic relationship stress should be specifically addressed in depression prevention and intervention programs.Received her PhD from the University of Southern California. Research interests include the influence of romantic relationship factors, such as romantic stress and dating violence, on the development of depression during adolescence.Received her PhD from the University of California, Los Angeles. Research interests include the interplay between adolescent depression, personality disorder symptoms, and interpersonal variables including adjustment in friendships and romantic relationships.Research interests include cognitive and interpersonal factors in adolescent depression. 相似文献
65.
Patrick Hanafin 《Feminist Legal Studies》2006,14(3):329-352
This article examines how the recently introduced law on assisted reproduction in Italy, which gives symbolic legal recognition
to the embryo, came about, and how a referendum, which would have repealed large sections of it, failed. The occupation of
the legal space by the embryo is the outcome of a crusade by a well-organised alliance of theo-conservatives. These groups
see in reproductive medicine an uncontrolled interference with their notion of the natural order of things. Such a worldview
requires a total ban on stem cell research, limitation of access to reproductive technologies and repressive laws to govern
the area. This conservative dream scenario has come closer to being realised by the introduction of a law doing all of these
things in the name of the protection of “Life”. In the case of this law, the “life” to be protected is the embryo. In the
name of “Life”, scientific advances and individual liberty have been curbed. The politics of embryo citizenship is a politics
which values the yet to come over the here and now, purgation over pleasure, and the transcendent over the material. 相似文献
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In an era of democratic discontent, more and better participation in policy making has become a standard expectation. Yet it is rarely clear what counts as participation, and how the many practices loosely bundled under the label should be understood. This paper has a modest undergrowth‐clearing objective: to examine assumptions behind competing typologies of participation, and to propose a classification framework less laden by idealist notions of democracy. 相似文献
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