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111.
RODOLFO O. DE LA GARZA 《Political science quarterly》2013,128(1):171-173
112.
We propose and test a model of criminal decision making that integrates the individual differences perspective with research and theorizing on proximal factors. The individual differences perspective is operationalized using the recent HEXACO personality structure. This structure incorporates the main personality traits, but it carries the advantage of also incorporating Self‐Control within its personality sphere, and an additional trait termed Honesty‐Humility. Furthermore, the model offers a new perspective on proximal predictors, “states,” of criminal decisions by adding affect (i.e., feelings) to the rational choice–crime equation. The proposed model is tested using scenario data from a representative sample of the Dutch population in terms of gender, age, education level, and province (N = 495). As predicted by the model, personality was both directly and indirectly related to criminal decision making. Specifically, the traits Emotionality, Self‐Control, and Honesty‐Humility were mediated by both affect and rational choice variables. Conscientiousness operated only indirectly on criminal decision making via rational choice. Together, the findings support a trait‐state model of criminal decision making. 相似文献
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MANUEL SANCHEZ DE DIOS 《European Journal of Political Research》2006,45(4):551-579
Abstract. This article considers the activity of the Spanish Cortes in law production and the control of the executive during the six parliaments of the democratic government. It mainly examines the output of the lower chamber due to the asymmetrical bicameralism and weak status of the Senate. In Spain, the legislative output has been dependent on different situations of party government. In general terms, the Cortes have been always very active in controlling the executive and its participation in law-making was highly relevant when there was a minority government. Because parties are central actors in parliament and due to the strong party discipline in the Spanish case, the author mainly studied parliament output from the viewpoint of strategies of opposition parties. Sometimes parties behaved in parliament procedures in a competitive way, while in others they behave cooperatively. There was a great variety of patterns of strategic behaviour on account of the different situations of party government and the diverse opposition parties. Half of the parliaments had minority governments in which minority parties played a very important role by supporting the government in parliament; however, the main opposition party was never the same since there were two changes of government. 相似文献
115.
Abstract. Judged by their statutory arrangement the selection procedures of the seven main governmental Belgian parties in the 1944–1992 period suggest that party presidents are recruited in a fully democratic way, anticipating a contest between several candidates which is ultimately decided by a secret vote of the members' representatives at the national congress or council or, as in the PSC and recently the PRL, by a membership vote. In practice, competition only occurs in the PSC and the VU. In the other parties, the party elites usually propose a consensus candidate to the party's congress, who is then legitimated by a near-unanimous vote or by acclamation. The elite legitimates this method by referring to the devastating effects of an open competition for the party's unity, as well as the belief that the elite can better assess the party needs and the prospective candidates' skills than the more uninvolved and inexperienced congress delegate or party member. 相似文献
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Abstract. This study investigates how the information environment in the Danish 2000 euro referendum campaign served to crystallize opinion on the issue within the context of a number of other hypothesized influences on the vote, based on previous studies of referendum voting. Our data include a nationally representative two-wave panel survey and a content analysis of news coverage during the referendum campaign. We develop a weighted measure of exposure to news on public and private television channels, that takes into account the volume and tone of the coverage towards the YES and NO campaigns, and using this we find that exposure to public television news significantly influences vote choice when controlling for other predictors. We also find varied levels of support for hypotheses concerning the influence of other key variables such as ideology, economic evaluations, government approval and issue-specific contextual variables. The findings emphasize the importance of considering the information environment during referendum campaigns. 相似文献
117.
The reliability and validity of the Offer Self-Image Questionnaire (OSIQ) for adolescents were investigated using data from an Australian sample of male and female school students, with an average age of 14.9 years (n=216). Reliability coefficients were high for all subscales except the Morals subscale. Results indicated significant correlations of the OSIQ subscales with Lang and Tisher's Children's Depression Scale of 1978 and small correlations with a measure of social desirability. A factor analysis yielded five interpretable oblique factors that support the concept of a multidimensional self-image. Identification of items contributing little to the subscale alphas, and not loading on the factors yielded by the factor analysis, highlights the need for further development and validation of the OSIQ. Implications for the development of the self-concept at adolescence are also discussed.Received Ph.D. from University of Queensland. Research interests are adolescent development, self-concept, and career development.Received Ph.D. from University of Queensland. Research interests are adolescence, family, and communication. 相似文献
118.
Attitudinal dispositions to vote for a 'new' extreme right-wing party: The case of 'Vlaams Blok' 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Abstract. The Vlaams Blok , a 'new' extreme right-wing party, grew substantially during the 1980s in the Flemish part of Belgium. Two alternative hypotheses about the motivation and attitudes of voters for extreme right-wing parties are examined. Is the voters' choice for such a political party inspired by substantive considerations about the programme of the party (the 'rational choice' model), or is right-wing voting mainly an expression of protest? The Flemish part of the Voters' Study relating to the 1991 General Election contains useful data for answering these questions. The likelihood of voting for the Vlaams Blok , as a function of thirteen relevant attitudinal variables, is analysed by means of logistic regression. Voting for the Vlaams Blok is determined by a negative attitude towards immigrants. Nationalist attitudes and feelings of social isolation seem to have a partial and moderate additional impact. In addition, there is some evidence that a vote for the Vlaams Blok should also be seen as a protest vote by some of the voters. 相似文献
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This study involves analysis of the implementation of a new release on recognizance (ROR) policy governing misdemeanor cases in a small, mid- western county. The case study is interesting because the policy seems to be characterized by several factors that might lead to predictions of high compliance with policy intent. The findings, however, suggest that consid- erable slippage between intent and implementation occurred. It is argued that this slippage is the product of communication problems, the disposition of street-level implementors, and the failure to include implementors in decision making. These obstacles are then compounded by the lack of performance monitoring. The problems are viewed as interrelated and revolve around the top-down implementation strategy that failed to involve those responsible for implementation – the street-level implementors. 相似文献