The emergence of regional economies in China and its implications,with special reference to Hong Kong and Guangdong

  China's continental physical expanse has been a dominant, shaping influence of its political, social and economic development throughout its modern history. Thanks to its relative ethnic homogeneity, as well as the absence of political reform, it has – unlike the former Soviet Union – preserved its unity as a state. Nevertheless, regionalism remains a powerful counterpoint to centralisation in China. In particular, under the impact of post-1978 economic reforms, differentials and tensions between provinces and regions have emerged as a potent force, threatening the authority and power of Beijing. This article begins by seeking to explore some of the regional forms in which economic change has manifested itself during the last two decades. It highlights the unique problems faced by an economy that is still in transition in a country as large as China. Brief consideration is also given to the wider regional context in which China is sometimes placed as the central player – namely, that of `Greater China'. At the heart of the article is a case study that examines the evolution of a particular kind of regionalism, captured in the economic integration – even symbiosis - between Hong Kong and Guangdong. The question is addressed whether the form of regionalism contained within the forging of an ever-closer economic relationship between these two areas of South China can be a model for the integration of other regions both within and across China's national boundaries. Hong Kong's transformation from a tiny, dependent, colonial enclave into one of the most successful economies in the world is one of the most remarkable stories of post-World War II economic history. During the 1960s and 1970s, Hong Kong's growth record was unmatched anywhere else in the world. But by the beginning of the 1980s, high land rents and spiralling wages started to erode the international competitiveness that had been the basis of Hong Kong's previous economic success. By a happy coincidence, however, the emergence of such pressures coincided with the opening of China to the outside world. China's `open door' policy thereby made available to Hong Kong entrepreneurs a huge, hitherto untapped reservoir of cheap labour and gave them access to inexpensive factory sites just across the border in Guangdong. It was a lifeline to which they responded eagerly and, through the relocation of their factories, provided the means whereby Hong Kong manufacturers discovered a new lease of life. The benefits associated with this process accrued not only to Hong Kong through the regeneration of its manufacturing industry. Rather, it was a two-way process that also facilitated economic growth, structural transformation and improvements in living standards in Guangdong (above all, in the Pearl River Delta). In short, the process became the basis of deepening integration between the economies of the two regions. Indeed, it was the key element in the emergence of a new regional economic grouping, known as `Greater China' – an informal triangular partnership between Hong Kong, Taiwan and two southern Chinese provinces (Guangdong and Fujian). The emergence of `Greater China' can be regarded as a particular manifestation of the coastal bias that has so strongly characterised China's economic trajectory under reform. To this day, the triangular economic nexus between Hong Kong, Taiwan and South China remains an important dimension of China's external economic relations, even if developments in other coastal provinces have caused it to weaken. To what extent recent and future developments have challenged and will continue to challenge the regionalism inherent in the original notion of Greater China is something that deserves close attention. Not least, the strategic initiative of opening up China's western regions poses interesting and important questions that touch on future developments of `trans-nationalism' and `trans-regionalism' affecting China.     

Weather‐vane federalism: Reconsidering federal social policy leadership

Abstract: This article advances analytic and normative debates about intergovernmental hierarchy in Canada. It explores interaction between traditional federal spending and other tools, including structuring investments, accountability, and expertise, with which Ottawa is reasserting leadership over program development in areas such as child care. The author finds that federal spending power remains strong enough to entice provincial and territorial (pt ) governments to the negotiation table and give Ottawa leverage over pt priorities. This strength persists even when structuring investments are insufficient to achieve notable innovation. However, federal leverage is vulnerable to significant shifts in direction once transfers are subject to the political winds in provinces and territories. This weather‐vane leadership pattern is rooted in intergovernmental accountability practices, which now insist that senior governments report only to citizens, not to one another. Current reporting practices leave citizens poorly positioned to access the data or expertise necessary to audit pt use of federal transfers. Thus, as normative debates about intergovernmen‐talism renew with the election of a federal Conservative government that campaigned to address the fiscal imbalance, decision‐makers should be mindful that Ottawa's ongoing strength to direct pt priorities is unmatched by effective accountability measures. Sommaire: Cet article fait progresser les débats analytiques et normatifs au sujet de la hiérarchie intergouvernementale au Canada. Il étudie l'interaction entre les dépenses fédérales traditionnelles et d'autres outils, tels que les investissements dans la structuration, l'obligation redditionnelle et l'expertise, grâce auxquels Ottawa réaffirme son leadership sur l'élaboration de programmes dans des domaines comme les services de garde des enfants. L'auteur estime que le pouvoir d'application des ressources du fédéral demeure assez fort pour inciter les gouvernements provinciaux et territoriaux (pt ) à venir à la table de négociation et pour donner à Ottawa une influence sur les priorités des pt . Cette force persiste même lorsque les investissements de structuration sont insuffisants pour parvenir à une innovation notoire. Cependant, l'influence fédérale est exposée à d'importants changements de direction une fois que les transferts sont assujettis aux influences politiques dans les provinces et les territoires. Ce modèle de direction girouette est enraciné dans des méthodes de reddition de comptes intergouvernementales, qui insistent maintenant pour que les gouvernements ne fassent des comptes rendus qu'aux citoyens et non entre eux. Les pratiques actuelles en matière de reddition font que les citoyens sont en mauvaise posture pour avoir accès aux données ou à l'expertise nécessaire pour vérifier l'usage des transferts fédéraux par les pt . Ainsi, alors que les débats normatifs au sujet de l'intergouvernementalisme reprennent avec l'élection d'un gouvernement fédéral conservateur qui a fait campagne pour redresser le déséquilibre fiscal, les décisionnaires devraient prendre conscience que les efforts soutenus d'Ottawa pour diriger les priorités des pt ne sont pas assortis de mesures efficaces en matière de reddition de comptes.     

Personal fraud victims and their official responses to victimization

The bulk of the research on predatory crime focuses on characteristics, profiles, and patterns of offenders. This information is important, but from the perspective of police agencies, information about the victims of predatory crimes, including victims of white-collar predatory crimes, and how they officially respond to victimization is also important. Using survey data from a random sample of 400 residents of Knox County, Tennessee, we investigated the characteristics of victims of thirteen different types of fraud. After dividing individuals into categories of non-victims, one-time victims, and repeat victims, we develop profiles of personal fraud victims by examining differences in key demographic and offense characteristics. Next, we investigate the official reporting behavior of victims. The results are instructive for police agencies as they highlight common characteristics of fraud victims and suggest methods for encouraging fraud victims to report their victimization to police.