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131.
Peter Boettke 《Public Choice》2017,171(1-2):17-22
In this tribute to Robert Tollison, I will outline his contributions to the development of public choice. I focus on Tollison’s work on rent-seeking, the political economy of reform, and the rules level of analysis in sports economics. Throughout his career, Tollison brilliantly figured out ways to take insights from price theory and public choice theory and operationalize them using multiple methods of empirical analysis, including historical interpretation and statistical testing. 相似文献
132.
Stephen Balch 《Society》2017,54(4):346-351
Karl Jaspers famously characterized the period from the beginning of the eighth to the end of the third century before Christ as an “Axial Age” in which intellectual freedom and creativity blossomed as never before. This article argues that it was followed, five hundred years later, by an “Anti-Axial Age”, which devised a novel formula for intellectual and political repression. Its essence was the state’s capture of the millenial narrative, which had first been developed as religious doctrine within Zoroastrianism and Christianity. Involving the two great classical empires of Western Eurasia, Persia and Rome, and then empowering the expansion of Islam, the Anti-Axial Age left an ideological legacy that continues to haunt the contemporary world. 相似文献
133.
Robert B. Ekelund 《Public Choice》2017,171(1-2):39-43
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Steven V. Miller 《Political Behavior》2017,39(2):457-478
Why do some individuals prefer to be governed in an authoritarian political system? One intuitive answer is that citizens prefer authoritarian rule when the economy and society are in turmoil. These are common explanations for democratic backsliding, and the emergence and success of authoritarian leaders in the twentieth century. Which of these explanations better explains preferences for authoritarian rule? Both types of threat coincide in small samples and high-profile cases, creating inferential problems. I address this by using three waves of World Values Survey data to look at individual-level preferences for different forms of authoritarian government. Using multiple macroeconomic and societal indicators, I find that economic threats, especially increasing income inequality, better explain preferences for authoritarian government. I conclude with implications for understanding the emergence of support for authoritarianism in fledgling democracies. 相似文献
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Mélanie Méthot 《Women's history review》2019,28(4):532-551
Concentrating on women bigamists allows one to gauge social conceptions and attitudes towards marriage. Their relatively high presence in the courts, especially during wartime, points to closer monitoring of their lives. Patriarchal society tolerated less their perceived crossing of morality lines. Paradoxically, the courts by imposing lighter sentences, and the media by portraying many female bigamists first and foremost as victims, recognized that they did not threaten Canadian society to the same extent that male bigamists did. Although jurists did not make it explicit in bigamy laws that marriage served to protect women and children, the courts did not hesitate to assign that function when passing judgment. The analysis of bigamy prosecutions and press coverage, instead of showcasing how the patriarchal institution of marriage oppressed women, highlights its paternalistic benevolence. 相似文献
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