全文获取类型
收费全文 | 88篇 |
免费 | 12篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 5篇 |
工人农民 | 9篇 |
世界政治 | 10篇 |
外交国际关系 | 4篇 |
法律 | 18篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 53篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 4篇 |
2019年 | 4篇 |
2018年 | 6篇 |
2017年 | 4篇 |
2016年 | 6篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2014年 | 6篇 |
2013年 | 30篇 |
2012年 | 1篇 |
2010年 | 1篇 |
2009年 | 2篇 |
2008年 | 1篇 |
2007年 | 2篇 |
2006年 | 1篇 |
2005年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 1篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 2篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有100条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
51.
A key issue for interest groups and policymakers is the ways through which organized interests voice their interests and influence public policy. This article combines two perspectives on interest group representation to explain patterns of interest group access to different political arenas. From a resource exchange perspective, it argues that access to different political arenas is discrete as it is determined by the match between the supply and demands of interest groups and gatekeepers—politicians, bureaucrats, and reporters. From a partly competing perspective, it is argued that access is cumulative and converges around wealthy and professionalized groups. Based on a large‐scale investigation of group presence in Danish political arenas, the analyses show a pattern of privileged pluralism. This describes a system where multiple political arenas provide opportunities for multiple interests but where unequally distributed resources produce cumulative effects (i.e., the same groups have high levels of arena access). 相似文献
52.
Roger Moody, ed.: The Indigenous Voice: Visions and Realities. Zed Books, London and The International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, Copenhagen, 1988. Marcus Colchester: Pirates, Squatters and Poachers: The Political Ecology of Dispossession of Native Peoples of Sarawak. Survival International, London and Institute of Social Analysis, Selangor, Malaysia, 1988. Maria Mies: Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale: Women in the International Division of Labor, Zed Books, London 1986. 相似文献
53.
54.
Danielsen L Gniadecka M Thomsen HK Pedersen F Strange S Nielsen KG Petersen HD 《Forensic science international》2003,134(2-3):134-141
Previously, electrical injuries have been suggested caused only by the concomitant heat developed during the passage of an electrical current. Recent experimental studies on fully anesthetized pigs and the study of one human case have, however, shown typical electrical alterations. The purpose of the present study was further to evaluate the histology of electrically induced changes in the skin in humans. In addition, supplementary in vivo methods for evaluation of skin changes as high-frequency ultrasound and Raman spectroscopy were used. The skin of 11 patients treated with a defibrillation of the heart was examined for macroscopic changes, the skin of eight of them also for histologic changes and for changes observable via supplementary methods. Immediately and 7 days after the defibrillation, fractions of a narrow red ring were observed along the periphery of the tin-foil electrode. Epidermis showed signs previously observed following electrical influence: segmental alterations often related to the openings of sweat ducts, darkstaining or "empty" nuclei and homogeneous cytoplasm, eosinophilic or pale. Dermis did not show the specific sign of electrical influence: deposits of calcium salts on dermal fibres, neither via histologic examination nor via high-frequency ultrasonography and Raman spectroscopy. Fractions of a narrow red ring along the periphery of the electrode showing histological signs of electric influence in epidermis thus appear to be characteristic of high voltage electrical injury. 相似文献
55.
On the basis of surveys of Danish and Norwegian political party members, this article shows that female presence is comparatively high in Danish and Norwegian parties, and that there are a number of consistent and politically significant gender differences in political opinions within the parties. These gender gaps are largest regarding issues that are not central to the ideological core of the parties and on issues where women are particularly affected. The study still reveals the importance of party in the sense that the differences between the members of different parties are greater than the gender gaps within parties. In the Nordic party systems, gender as such does not constitute a political force transcending the left–right dimension. 相似文献
56.
Rasmus Brun Pedersen 《European Security》2020,29(1):16-32
ABSTRACTWhy do small states actively contribute to US- and NATO-led military operations? The small state literature has recently developed a novel explanation, referring to their dependency upon the alliance hegemon. The logic is that the small states aim to improve their status and reputation in order to remain relevant and to receive protection. This article contributes to this literature by moving away from this fear of abandonment motivation towards more positive status incitements. It shows how such status motives actually guide and shape small states’ military contributions in US- or NATO-led operations. It does so by using recent innovations in process-tracing methodology to create a status-seeking mechanism. Using the case of Belgium’s participation in the military coalition against ISIL, this article goes beyond the usual Scandinavian suspects in the small state literature and demonstrates that status motivations have relevance for a wider group of small states. 相似文献
57.
Lene Holm Pedersen Jens Olav Dahlgaard Rasmus T. Pedersen 《Scandinavian political studies》2019,42(2):118-137
The rewards of politicians are a key part of the implicit contract between politicians and citizens, and the effect of these rewards on democratic legitimacy and political recruitment is a central concern in public debate and democratic theory. Using a survey experiment, we show how citizens respond to hypothetical changes in politicians’ pay. The results indicate that citizens express lower levels of trust in the politicians when these politicians award themselves higher pecuniary rewards. However, our results also show that a devious strategy in which the rewards for politicians are less transparent ensures lower opposition from citizens than open and transparent strategies. Based on this, we outline a reinvigoration of the research agenda on “rewards at the top.” 相似文献
58.
Mogens Jin Pedersen Nathan Favero Vibeke Lehmann Nielsen Kenneth J. Meier 《International Public Management Journal》2019,22(2):254-294
Public management research has identified a dizzying array of management variables that affect organizational performance. While scholars have learned much by analyzing one or a few specific behavioral dimensions of public management at a time, we argue for the value of a more holistic and inductive approach that uses data on several aspects of public management for identifying manager types. Such an approach accounts for both the cognitive processes of people affected by management and the reality that managers’ individual behavioral decisions are interrelated. We examine the overlap of 21 aspects of public school management behavior using cluster analysis. We identify four different manager types (“firefighters,” “laissez-faire managers,” “administrators,” and “proactive floor managers”), each reflecting a distinct constellation of managerial behaviors. The manager types we call “administrators” and “proactive floor managers” are associated with relatively better outcomes, while “firefighters” are associated with relatively worse outcomes. 相似文献
59.
Why do politicians choose to retire voluntarily from a position they have been working hard to get? It is argued in this article that the institutional setting of the elected assemblies influences the direct, as well as the alternative costs and benefits of having a political career and hence the patterns of voluntary retirement. Drawing on previous research from the United States Congress, this is explored in a new empirical setting: local government in Denmark. The results show that positions at the labour market matter as private‐sector employees are more likely to retire than public‐sector employees. Furthermore, internal institutional factors matter. Holding an institutional position such as chairing a committee makes retirement less likely. Furthermore, seniority makes the councillors more likely to retire when age is controlled for – a result not found in national studies. However, councillors who reach a high‐ranking position at an early stage are not more likely to quit with seniority than those who do not reach such a position. A high personal share of votes decreases voluntary retirement. In contrast to previous findings, the ideological distance from the ruling party does not play a role. This may be due to norms of consensus in the local councils. 相似文献
60.
Tove Beate Pedersen 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(1):26-33
In Norway the pioneering era in many ways is over with women in top politics and other important positions. After 25 years of explicit work towards equal opportunities for women and men, Norwegian society today seems to be characterized by “a declared equality”. Modern femininity and masculinity in a society where male dominance is illegitimate seem to be characterized by a common project: to hide the fact that men still dominate women. Women are socialized to communicate in specific ways and to choose conversational roles in interaction with men that contribute to concealing their subordinate position. This pattern may be described as the art of being “just right”. 相似文献