欧元区改善外部政策协调的必要性和前景

全球经济严重失衡、欧元区的扩大、欧元和美元之间的竞争所带来的风险,表明欧元区改善外部经济政策协调的需要确实存在,而且很可能在未来几年中越来越迫切.欧元区在短中期内改善外部经济政策协调的主要领域包括汇率政策、货币政策、财政政策和结构性改革这几个方面.欧元区对外政策协调的主要障碍包括欧美政策目标的冲突、欧元区对外政策协调的主体不够明确,以及欧洲经货联盟计划的约束.     

标本兼治 整体推进——关于吉林省长春市苇子沟劳教所推行劳教管理工作改革的调查

2003年初,长春市苇子沟劳教所被吉林省司法厅确定为全省创办特色试点单位。三年来,该所在省、市局的领导下,坚持以人为本的科学发展观为指导,以提高教育挽救质量为中心,围绕创新劳教执法模式,发展劳教文化,在打破传统的管理模式、创造新的管理工作机制上下功夫。积极探索、大胆     

上海毒品问题现状、发展趋势及对策研究

当前,上海市禁毒斗争面临着十分严峻的形势,情况极其复杂,应当引起高度重视,从加强专业队伍建设,构建缉毒情报新格局,完善禁毒立法等方面加强防范和惩治工作。     

论侦查员的职业亚健康心理

侦查人员的职业特点决定着他们存在亚健康心理状态的可能性较大.紧张的工作节奏、缺乏安全感、生活无规律、社会不理解等原因导致各种心理问题相应产生,因此,要从思想、宣传、常识、预防和治疗入手,使侦查人员远离亚健康心理状态.     

英国公用事业改制的历史经验与启示

英国城市公用事业,从19世纪的私营开始,经过19世纪中下叶的市营,再到20世纪40年代的国有化进程,逐渐把英国的公用事业与纯粹追求利润的一般工业区分开来,照顾到其公益性目标。80年代的私有化浪潮则再度把城市公用事业出售给了私人。在这个看似圆圈形的发展进程中,涉及公用事业的两次转型。这几次转型中的公正性主要是通过三个原则来保证的:一是依据法律来实行公用事业的转型;二是设立有效的监督机制;三是照顾私人的利益,防止侵犯私有财产的权益。由此基本上做到了既保护了公众的利益,保障了私有财产不受侵犯的原则,又大体保护了国有资产,防止其贬值或无端流失。当然,其中的不足之处也是不容忽视的。     

关键是要抓好党的自身建设

我们党要带领人民夺取全面建设小康社会新胜利,开创中国特色社会主义事业新局面,关键是要抓好党的自身建设。这是胡锦涛     

IN SYNC,NOW AND FOREVER

The Olympic arena serves as a place to share joy and sportsmanship Ailing, 18, became China’s first female gold medalist on snow, performing a previously unseen trick in the freeski big air competition at the Olympic Winter Games Beijing 2022 on February 8.     

以共享促共生:疫情冲击下全球治理转型的中国推进

新冠肺炎疫情作为当今世界面临的最严峻的全球性问题,其应对最有效的路径仍是全球治理。危机之下人类社会的存续需要超越私利实现国家间共生。相对于西方传统的全球治理理念,中国方案基于对疫情下全球化时代的共生性判读,明确了推动构建命运共同体的共生型全球治理目标,推动全球治理转型从消极共生向积极共生实现结构优化。然而,依靠共生自身升级的滞缓性与现实需求的迫切性之间存在矛盾,"共生"在资源分配、认同建构以及合作实现等方面并不具备必然性,无法为现实问题的解决提供普遍化的标杆与规范,需要借助"共享"的理念工具进行有效助推。具体来说,就是以共生关系的主体性、共生纽带以及共生底线为出发,从资源配置的优化、主体认同的强化以及和谐包容的价值引领三方面着手,将共享理念融入到人类命运共同体的建构中,并通过中国对全球治理转型的过程参与,有效实现共享从理念引领到现实助推的功能转换,为新型的共生型全球治理模式的良性运作提供助力。     

浅析规则实施与制度变迁绩效对我国经济改革的启示

诺思模型是从制度变迁的角度对西方经济发展进行的描述 ,其偏重于效率的考虑 ,没有重点阐释制度框架下规则的实施与贯彻。而制度变迁与规则实施的交互作用共同对经济发展产生重大影响的阐述 ,对我国经济改革的推进有重要的启示作用     

Explaining judicial reform outcomes in new democracies: The importance of authoritarian legalism in Argentina,Brazil, and Chile

Recent judicial reforms after democratic transition have been substantial and relatively successful in Chile, but much less so in Argentina and Brazil. This article traces this variation in outcomes to the legal strategies of the prior authoritarian regimes. The Brazilian military regime of 1964–1985 was gradualist in its approach to the law, and had a high degree of civilian-military consensus in the legal sphere. It was not highly repressive in its deployment of lethal violence, and this combination of factors contributed to a gradualist and consensual transition in which judicial reform was not placed high on the political agenda. The Argentine case of military rule between 1976 and 1983 was almost the opposite. The military sidestepped and even attacked the judiciary, engaging in almost entirely extrajudicial violence. This generated a “backlash” reform movement after the transition to democracy that was mostly retrospective and only partially successful. In Chile, in contrast, the military engineered a radical break with previous legality, engaged in violent repression, but made considerable efforts to reconstruct a judicial order. It was in the aftermath of this situation that reformers were able to push through a prospective and relatively successful judicial reform. This article's findings suggest that judicial reform may be more likely to succeed where the prior authoritarian regime was both repressive and legalistic, as in Chile, Poland, and South Africa, than where high degrees of repression were applied largely extrajudicially, as in Argentina, Cambodia, and Guatemala, or where the authoritarian regime was legalistic but not highly repressive, as in Brazil, Mexico, and the Philippines.