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61.
62.
Daniel Smilov 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2010,53(1):67-77
This article explores the reasons for the introduction of anticorruption agencies of a specific type in Eastern Europe. It
is argued that one of the important functions of these agencies—which are stronger on information gathering, coordination
and strategy rather than on investigation of concrete cases—is to give to the government some leverage over the anticorruption
discourse. Presenting the anticorruption commissions and agencies as (discourse-controlling) instruments gives an answer to
the troubling question why governing parties are at all interested in the introduction of such bodies. Apart from instrumentalization in political discourse, anticorruption
bodies in Eastern Europe have had other effects as well. As shown in the Baltic case, institutional engineering provides for
a brief window of opportunity during which political forces committed to integrity could gain the upper hand. The problem
in Eastern Europe, however, is not the lack of such windows of opportunities—it is more the lack of really committed political
forces capable of continuous and consistent anticorruption effort. 相似文献
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K. Minakata O. Suzuki Y. Ishikawa H. Seno M. Asano 《Forensic Science International Supplement Series》1991,50(2)
A simple and sensitive method is described for quantitative analysis of chlorpromazine in blood, serum, urine and tissue homogenate. The chlorpromazine cation radical produced by adding perchloric acid and 2,3-dichloro-5,6-dicyano-p-benzoquinone to the sample can be detected by the ESR method at room temperature. The sensitivity limit is 10 ng, that is, 20 μl of the solution containing 0.5 μg chlorpromazine/ml. The time needed for the measurement is within 10 min. The chlorpromazine radical thus produced is very stable; for example, 95% of the radical was observed after 24 h. The advantage of this method is discussed by comparing with the ordinary spectrophotometry which requires the purification of the sample. 相似文献
66.
Abstract: This article analyses the roles and impact of Interinstitutional Agreements (IIAs) in the EU, taking into account their relationship to primary law. Concretely speaking, these roles range from (a) explicitly authorised specifications of Treaty provisions via (b) not explicitly authorised specifications of vague Treaty law to (c) pure political undertaking. Based on the distinction between the constitutional and the operational level of the political game, we challenge the assumption that IIAs usually strengthen the European Parliament. As our case study, the 1993 interrelated package of IIAs on democracy, transparency and subsidiarity, illustrates, the European Parliament is not the only institution that benefits from IIAs, especially if they lack a sufficiently precise Treaty basis. Furthermore, if Treaty provisions underlying IIAs are precise, they also tend to produce precise and thus legally relevant content. Conversely, if IIAs deal primarily with elusive concepts they are likely to be legally ambiguous or even irrelevant at all. 相似文献
67.
Laura K. Landolt 《Global Society》2007,21(3):393-414
To demonstrate that norms have independent causal power, constructivists de-emphasise material factors related to state interests and highlight social factors. Similarly, they conceptualise international organisations as autonomous from state influence, and focus on cases featuring non-state actors that stimulate a “tipping point” of norm diffusion among states in advance of state sponsorship. By contrast, this article utilises an historical materialist approach that admits both social and material data to examine the contrasting case of population control. It finds that US corporate foundations, eugenist demographers, feminist birth control activists and related NGOs conceptualised and promoted population control in the United States, at the United Nations, and across developing countries. However, the tipping point of norm diffusion occurred only after the United States publicly advocated population control. Indeed, material and social factors were inextricably bound together. 相似文献
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Samantha Pegg 《Liverpool Law Review》2007,28(3):425-448
This article focuses on media reportage of offensive juveniles, past and present, to elicit lessons that the twenty-first
century can learn from the Victorian past in terms of diversionary responses. How to prevent vulnerable juveniles sliding
into dangerous criminality is a continuing preoccupation: the issue explored in this article relates to the creation of the
identity of the criminal juvenile. In utilising the concept of semi-criminality to label certain types of juvenile anti-social
behaviour the Victorians avoided actual criminalisation of socially offensive but, in legal terms, minor behaviours. The reasons
for and negative consequences of the abandonment of this concept by the modern age are explored, including the reconceptualisation
of where responsibility for juvenile offending lies in the modern era. 相似文献