全文获取类型
收费全文 | 4365篇 |
免费 | 105篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 387篇 |
工人农民 | 82篇 |
世界政治 | 384篇 |
外交国际关系 | 364篇 |
法律 | 1537篇 |
中国共产党 | 33篇 |
中国政治 | 194篇 |
政治理论 | 1237篇 |
综合类 | 252篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 12篇 |
2022年 | 20篇 |
2021年 | 46篇 |
2020年 | 79篇 |
2019年 | 64篇 |
2018年 | 119篇 |
2017年 | 144篇 |
2016年 | 135篇 |
2015年 | 107篇 |
2014年 | 116篇 |
2013年 | 659篇 |
2012年 | 127篇 |
2011年 | 160篇 |
2010年 | 163篇 |
2009年 | 195篇 |
2008年 | 223篇 |
2007年 | 222篇 |
2006年 | 177篇 |
2005年 | 186篇 |
2004年 | 148篇 |
2003年 | 124篇 |
2002年 | 133篇 |
2001年 | 93篇 |
2000年 | 74篇 |
1999年 | 75篇 |
1998年 | 61篇 |
1997年 | 55篇 |
1996年 | 46篇 |
1995年 | 59篇 |
1994年 | 50篇 |
1993年 | 46篇 |
1992年 | 30篇 |
1991年 | 49篇 |
1990年 | 28篇 |
1989年 | 44篇 |
1988年 | 32篇 |
1987年 | 37篇 |
1986年 | 51篇 |
1985年 | 16篇 |
1984年 | 25篇 |
1983年 | 30篇 |
1982年 | 31篇 |
1981年 | 19篇 |
1980年 | 27篇 |
1979年 | 17篇 |
1978年 | 22篇 |
1977年 | 18篇 |
1976年 | 16篇 |
1974年 | 20篇 |
1973年 | 8篇 |
排序方式: 共有4470条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
941.
942.
Peter Barberis 《Public administration》1998,76(3):451-470
There has long been a disparity between the practice and the neo-Diceyan doctrine of accountability in British central government. This article shows that the New Public Management (NPM), while not itself the root cause of such disparity, has nevertheless both exacerbated and further exposed existing fault-lines. This much is evident from an examination of NPM's theoretical bearings and from brief case studies of the Child Protection Agency and the Prison Service. Reflecting broad and deep-seated forces, the NPM is unlikely to disappear. Thus although there are certain attractions in retaining neo-Diceyan assumptions, it may be more appropriate to reconstruct the formal doctrine. Drawing upon Spiro's notion of 'multicentric' accountability and within the context of calls for wider constitutional reform, the article sketches the basis for a new doctrine, having regard to relevant moralities and practicalities. 相似文献
943.
Wendi Adair Jeanne Brett Alain Lempereur Tetsushi Okumura Peter Shikhirev Catherine Tinsley Anne Lytle 《Negotiation Journal》2004,20(1):87-111
In this article the authors investigate the relationship between culture and joint gains by examining the role of information sharing and power strategies in intracultural negotiations. Previously, the authors found that the relationship between cultural values or norms and joint gains was uncertain in six cultures: France, Russia, Japan, Hong Kong, Brazil, and the United States. Of the five values and norms measured, only norms for information sharing in negotiation were directly related to joint gains. This article explores and extends prior findings by investigating the strategies used by negotiators in the same six cultures. Cultures that maximized joint gains used direct information-sharing strategies or a combination of indirect and direct strategies. Power strategies may help or hurt joint gains, depending on a culture's values and norms for power and whether or not power-based influence is used in conjunction with sufficient information exchange. The findings suggest that understanding the other party's cultural characteristics and strategies can help negotiators plan how to focus on information exchange and deal with unusual power strategies that they may encounter. 相似文献
944.
Peter Ph. Nelissen 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》1998,6(2):211-234
In this article the presence of the rehabilitation goal in the policy of the prison system in the Netherlands will be discussed first. Particular attention will be paid to the question as to why the rehabilitation goal, in spite of the doubtfull status of its impact, still plays a role in the increasing instrumentalist policy of the Dutch criminal justice system. In addition, some limitations of a one-sided 'nothing works' approach of rehabilitation will be discussed. Next, empirical research is examined for what it teaches about the functioning of correctional programmes within the prison system. Special attention will be paid to the attitudes of inmates toward rehabilitation. It will be shown that in spite of a considerable body of research on institutional adaptation, little is known about the dynamics between inmates' attitudes and personal, situational and organisational background variables. In addition, the results of a survey, conducted on the nature and sources of inmates' attitudes towards rehabilitation, will be presented. Finally, this article will offer reflections on the benefits of a process-evaluative approach of correctional interventions. 相似文献
945.
946.
947.
948.
This article evaluates a key component of the model of localpublic expenditures put forth by Charles Tiebout and embracedby analysts in the public choice tradition. Central to thismodel is the assumption that citizens who are unhappy with localgovernment policies have an incentive to relocate to a differentjurisdiction that offers preferable taxes and services. Usingdata from a survey of actual movers in over fifty communities(including a large central city) located in the two largestcounties of a metropolitan area, we examined factors affectingboth the decision to move and the choice of a new residence.Empirical findings support the expectations of the Tiebout model,showing that tax and service factors significantly influencethe choice of a new residence for those who moved from one jurisdictionto another. The implications of the findings for central citiesare developed. 相似文献
949.
950.
Peter Ronayne 《Human Rights Review》2004,5(4):57-71
Conclusion That Kosovo exploded with genocidal violence in 1999 and ultimately prompted outside intervention surprised few—it was a long-festering
hotspot but one that fell low on the world politics priority lists, despite the brutal “wars of Yugoslav” succession that
engulfed Serbia, Bosnia, and Croatia. But for a relatively small scale conflict in a rather unknown corner of the world, Kosovo’s
crisis of 1998–1999 brought with it a host of complex issues that challenge the international community to this day. As with
any issue or case in the area of genocide studies, attention and understanding must first go to the dramatic human suffering
inflicted upon one group by another. The macro-level political, legal, and ethical discussion and debates swirling about Kosovo
should not and must not obscure the powerful and provocative human element at play. First and foremost, the Kosovo issue revolves
around how best to save lives following an explosion of genocidal violence. Simultaneously, however, Kosovo in 1999 exploded
with ramifications for the future of state sovereignty, the United Nations, and understanding the causes of genocide, nation
building, and humanitarianism in the twenty-first century. 相似文献