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Peter Drexler 《Journal of law and society》2001,28(1):64-78
This essay examines the films of the Nazi period concerned with questions of justice and the administration of the law. It traces the ways in which law films developed prior to the Nazi era. It notes the apparent paradox of the Nazi obsession with questions of justice, law, and legality which are found in their strictly controlled film output. The use of film as a mass propaganda weapon affected legal subjects and this can be seen as a means of creating consensus. This centred on the role of the state in creating a system which allowed the individual to be integrated into the mythical folk community. Those who threatened this social cohesion were depicted as threats to the common sense of ordinary people and this stretched from propaganda films into comedies. 相似文献
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Peter Lambert 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2000,19(3):379-396
In 1989 President Stroessner was overthrown after almost 35 years in power. This led to a process of transition over the following decade which included elections at presidential, congressional, and municipal levels, as well as a democratic constitution, which guaranteed full political and civil liberties. However, the transition has been complicated by the continued prominence of the same political and military forces that supported Stroessner, and that have proved reluctant to withdraw from power. As a result, instead of representing a complete break with an authoritarian past, the transition has combined elements of continuity and change. This has led to a conservative and faltering transition, characterised by frequent political crises and the lack of socio‐economic reform. This article analyses the major structural and institutional obstacles to the consolidation of democracy in Paraguay. It then brings the reader up to date, by examining the events of 1998/1999, a period in which Paraguay's transition came under the greatest threat, and which revealed both its greatest strengths and weaknesses. 相似文献
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John W. Young 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2014,25(2):214-239
Conservative leaders may have had a decisive impact on the decision by the Liberal government to enter the Great War in August 1914. In a seminal article of 1975, Keith Wilson argued that their readiness to fight “cut the ground … from beneath the feet of the non-interventionists” in the Cabinet. Those ministers who had hitherto opposed war now recognised that continued divisions could bring the government’s collapse, in which case the Unionists, probably in a coalition with pro-war Liberals, would take office and enter the conflict anyway. Since Wilson’s essay, important light has focussed on Unionist thinking by works that look at the July Crisis as part of a longer party history. This analysis provides a detailed investigation of the actions of Unionist leaders in the days immediately leading to war. It resolves some of the main contradictions in the primary evidence, argues that the possibility of a coalition was very real and demonstrates that one key player—the first lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill—subsequently tried, with some success, to disguise his activities. 相似文献
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Peter Kolozi 《New Political Science》2013,35(1):44-64
The neoconservatives have fallen out of favor among Washington policy-makers under President Obama as well as among conservatives themselves. However, neoconservatives’ impact on contemporary political discourse remains significant. This article is about the evolution of neoconservatives’ thinking about capitalism. Specifically, it is about neoconservatives’ ideological journey from right-wing critics of capitalism to one of its most ardent defenders. At the heart of their writing about capitalism are two distinct, but related cultural critiques of capitalism. In their view, capitalism creates a culture that is decadent, effeminate, and preoccupied with immediate gratification. This culture threatens the Protestant ethic and the heroic virtues of patriotic self-sacrifice. The Protestant ethic legitimizes capitalist accumulation and inequality, while the heroic virtues made the US a global superpower. Through supply-side economics and American empire the neoconservatives sought to recover both, the cultural foundations of capitalism located in the Protestant ethic and the heroic virtues of a global superpower. Neoconservative writings on capitalism are key to understanding the shift in the discourse on the economy, the welfare state, and foreign policy over the last thirty years. 相似文献
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