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131.
Drawing on a survey of top executives in central governments in 11 European countries (N = 5,190), this study explores variations in the extent and scale of managerial autonomy across and within European states. The article is based on a comparative, multidimensional and relational approach to autonomy. Confirming predictions of qualitative studies, it shows that these variations can partly be explained by the intensity of New Public Management (NPM) reforms and provides a typology of European countries connecting the intensity of neo‐managerial reforms (measured by the declared use of management tools) to the degree of managerial autonomy. Our findings support Donald Kettl's hypothesis differentiating countries where the ‘let the manager manage’ model prevails, as in the Northern countries, by contrast with those, such as the United Kingdom, dominated by the ‘make the manager manage’ programme. The promise of managerial autonomy has also not been delivered to the same extent across and within countries. 相似文献
132.
Natasha Lekes Isabelle Gingras Frederick L. Philippe Richard Koestner Jianqun Fang 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(8):858-869
Self-determination theory proposes that prioritizing intrinsic life goals, such as community involvement, is related to well-being,
whereas focusing on extrinsic life goals, such as financial success, is associated with lower well-being and that parenting
influences the type of life goals that youth adopt. In a sample of 515 Chinese (56% female, mean age = 15.50) and 567 North
American (52% male, mean age = 14.17) adolescents, a model of the relationships between parenting, life goals, and well-being
was investigated and confirmed for intrinsic life goals. Across societies, autonomy-supportive parenting was associated with
the endorsement of intrinsic life goals, which in turn was associated with well-being. Intrinsic life goals partially mediated
the relationship between parental autonomy-support and well-being. These findings suggest that, cross-culturally, prioritizing
intrinsic life goals is related to increased well-being among adolescents and that parents could encourage intrinsic life
goals by being supportive of their children’s autonomy. 相似文献
133.
134.
Philippe Droz-Vincent 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2020,55(3):115-131
ABSTRACT Syria is generally considered a case of non-intervention. One of the dominant (since the 1990s) kinds of intervention, namely multilateral humanitarian intervention, failed, as did other attempts by a select group of countries to implement a ‘red line’ concerning the use of chemical weapons. However, in this case, there is no sharp dichotomy between intervention and non-intervention. In lieu of an intervention that would tilt the balance and coordinate help to halt massacres, various rival and uncoordinated international and regional interventions overlapped over time, fuelling a market for violence. ‘Weakened interventionism’, as opposed to principled and hierarchical intervention, has manifested itself in Syria in a model recalling “the struggle for Syria” of the 1960s in a new, contemporary setting. 相似文献
135.
Dedouit F Telmon N Costagliola R Otal P Joffre F Rougé D 《Forensic science international》2007,173(2-3):182-187
A charred body was found after a fire in a house in a mountainous region of France. The body was severely burned and was not formally identified as the owner of the house. Autopsy was carried out to seek vital reactions and/or traumatic lesions and to identify the corpse. Before bone preparation and after autopsy, multislice computed tomography (MSCT) was performed in order to assess the potential of the technique for radiological anthropological bone identification. The challenge was to determine as accurately as possible the sex, age, ante-mortem stature and ethnic of the victim using both MSCT and conventional bone study. The results of the two techniques were compared. MSCT provided an answer to all the questions, whereas bone study did not. To the best of our knowledge, this case is the first to use MSCT for forensic anthropological study and illustrates the potential contribution of this technique in this field. 相似文献
136.
A 42-year-old woman died from massive barium sulfate (BaSO(4)) lung embolism after a balloon catheter intended for elective colonography was inserted into her vagina. The vaginal insertion of the balloon catheter caused a bilateral laceration of the vaginal wall which was followed by penetration of BaSO(4) into the afferent veins and massive pulmonary embolism. Fluoroscopy performed during the fatal events and post-mortem X-rays revealed a radio-opaque substance in the vagina and uterus, the pelvic vessels and the vena cava, the right heart chambers, the lungs, and the kidneys. In addition to lungs, finely granular intravascular particles were demonstrated histologically in several organs including the brain and the glomerular capillaries. Scanning (SEM) and transmission (TEM) electron microscopy together with X-ray microanalysis, and inductively coupled plasma atomic emission spectrometry (ICP-AES) allowed the definite identification of BaSO(4) in lungs and confirmed its capacity to penetrate the pulmonary filter and to embolise via the systemic circulation in various organs. 相似文献
137.
This paper gives an overview of the activities of the InternationalTribunal for the Law of the Sea in 2006, regarding organizationaldevelopments, administrative matters and judicial activitiesof the Tribunal. 相似文献
138.
Philippe Doucet Roger Ouellette 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1993,36(1):24-37
Sommaire: Les relations intergouvernementales du Nouveau-Brunswick ont-elles connu au cours des trois dernieres decennies des transformations de fond? Presque inexistant au debut des annees 1960, ce secteur de l'activite gouvernementale s'est developpe graduellement pour devenir, apres la victoire des Liberaux de Frank McKenna en 1987, un ministere a part entiere. Le present article se propose de decrire revolution et de determiner les principaux facteurs susceptibles d'expliquer l'absence de structures autonomes de gestion des affaires intergouvernementales de la province. Pourtant, les gouvernements Robichaud des annees 1960 et Hatfield des annees 1970 et 1980 ont souvent ete les initiateurs de projets de modernisation de l'activite gouvernementale. Comment expliquer alors qu'ils aient autant tarde a organiser la gestion des relations intergouvernementales? Ces decisions relevent-elles davantage de la societe neo-brunswickoise que de ses dirigeants politiques? En plus d'avoir consulte litterature et documentation sur le sujet, nous avons interroge plusieurs hauts fonctionnaires et hommes politiques des anciens et du present gouvernements. Un large consensus se degage parmi eux: la direction des relations intergouvernementales, etroitement controlee par les premiers ministres, leur Bureau et, a l'occasion, le Secretariat du Conseil des ministres, n'a pas souffert outre mesure de l'absence d'une bureaucratie plus structured. En depit de la recente creation du ministere des Affaires intergouvernementales, on constate que la gestion de ces affaires n'aurait pas beaucoup change pour autant. C'est toujours au Bureau du Premier ministre que sont prises les decisions cles en la matiere. Abstract: Did New Brunswick intergovernmental relations undergo fundamental changes over the last three decades? Virtually non-existent in the early 1960s, this government acrtivity sector developed gradually, emerging as a full-fledged ministry following the vitory of Frank McKenna's Liberals in 1987. The purpose of this article is to describe that change and to determine the main factors that could explain the lack of autonomous structures for managing the province's intergovernmental affairs. However, the Robichaud government in the 1960 and the hatfield government in the 1970s and 1980s often launched projects to modernize government activities. How should one therefore explain the fact that they were so late in organizing the management of intergovernmental relations? Do these decisions result more fron New Brunswick society than from its political leaders? In order to consult the relevant literture and documentation, we interviewed several high officials and politicians from current and past governments. Ther is a broad consensus among them: the management of intergovernmental relations, closely controlled by the premiers, their offices and, occasionally, the secretariat of cabinet, has not been particularly affected by the lack of a more structured bureaucracy. In spite of the recent creation of the Ministry of Intergovernmental Affairs, the management of those affairs would not appear to have changed a great deal. It is still within the premier's office that the key decisions in this field are made. 相似文献
139.
In September 2000, 4.7 million Swiss citizens were invited tovote on three proposals for taxes on fossil energy. Theydiffered by tax rate and mode of revenue recycling. All threewere rejected, one by only 3.4%. I analyze the votes usingindividual data of a post-referendum survey. Few voters paid attentionto the fine differences between the proposals made.Those who did favored the smaller taxwith revenues earmarked for a wide range of subsidies. The promise of a favorable direct impact on employment made by amini green tax reform was not understood or valued. Citizenswith leftist affinities and better education were morefavorable. 相似文献
140.
Philippe van Amersfoort 《Asia Europe Journal》2005,3(3):395-402
The concept of “civil society” is still the subject of thorough academic research. It emerged, in Europe, in the 18th century
and implied a culture of civility which, while emphasising autonomy from established institutions, also emphasised the freedom
to associate and a commitment to common good beyond particular interests. A modern definition of the concept makes civil society
the sum of “Organisations which are self-governing and constitutionally independent of the State or political parties; do
not involve the distribution of profits to shareholders; and benefit to a significant degree from voluntarism”. The emergence
of civil society has followed different historical patterns in different EU Member States, and European State institutions
have had different ways to accommodate the emergence of civil society and its aspiration to influence policy-making. From
the 18th to the early 20th century, civil society associations and networks mostly emerged and operated within local of national
frameworks. It is in the second half of the 20th century that the development of civil society acquired a trans-national dimension.
The emergence of a truly trans-national civil society in Europe is a rather recent phenomenon which is increasingly taken
into consideration in the formulation of policy by the European Union institutions. The EU foreign policy also aims at strengthening
civil society in third countries (including Asia) to achieve its objectives, notably in the field of human rights and democratisation. 相似文献