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131.
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Roberto Falanga Lígia Helena Hahn Lüchmann André Nicoletti Heloisa Cargnin Domingos 《Journal of Civil Society》2020,16(3):273-293
ABSTRACT This article is a comparative analysis of two internationally awarded cases of Participatory Budgets in Canoas (Brazil) and Cascais (Portugal). Our main argument is that the success of these PBs relies on political/administrative, societal, and geographic drivers. This conceptual model has been adopted to analyse and discuss the success of the two case studies. The provision of an original conceptual model for comparative analysis and the empirical knowledge from the two cities are supported by the review of main literature in this field of study, and aim to contribute, with original findings, to the international debate on participatory budgeting. 相似文献
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André Couture 《Journal of Indian Philosophy》2006,34(6):571-585
There are good reasons to think that Vāsudeva, Saṃkarṣaṇa, Pradyumna and Aniruddha already form a sort of implicit tetrad
in the HV. The aim of this paper is to draw attention to often overlooked data related to this tetrad. (1) Upon first reading,
the sequence of the HV episodes appears to be somewhat disconnected, and might lead one to conclude that no such grouping
of these figures had as of yet taken place. Nevertheless, a closer look at the structure of the text makes it clear that these
four characters are one of the main focuses of the narrator’s interest. (2) The relationships of these four heroes to one
another and to other deities will be examined. In addition to their close kinship, these heroes with the exception of Aniruddha,
are also said to be incarnations of other entities; thus the logic underpinning this grouping must be located at this other
level. (3) Considered against the backdrop of the entire HV, one realizes that a basic pattern is established in which the
presence of the goddess, under various names and functions, is required not only to facilitate Saṃkarṣaṇa’s and Kr̥ṣṇa’s births
and actions on earth, but also the actions of Pradyumna and Aniruddha. In fact, neither Kr̥ṣṇa Vāsudeva, nor Saṃkarṣaṇa, nor
Pradyumna nor Aniruddha can act entirely independently of her assistance. (4) The HV does not employ the word vyūha in connection with the group of Vāsudeva, Saṃkarṣaṇa, Pradyumna and Aniruddha. Nevertheless, during the battle waged to deliver
Aniruddha, the idea of vyūha is present even if the word itself is not. HV 110.47–49 describes a true trivyūha composed of three fighters (Vāsudeva, Saṃkarṣaṇa and Pradyumna), who are arranged in such a way as to protect one another.
The episode of Aniruddha’s liberation appears to be the missing link, showing clearly that at least Kr̥ṣṇa, Saṃkarṣaṇa and
Pradyumna are capable of assuming a vyūha as they fight the Rudraic forces. 相似文献
135.
Roy Gava Frédéric Varone André Mach Steven Eichenberger Julien Christe Corinne Chao‐Blanco 《Swiss Political Science Review》2017,23(1):77-94
This research note presents an innovative dataset of Swiss MPs’ interest ties between 2000‐2011. The longitudinal analysis shows that the average number of interest ties per MP has more than doubled: from 3.5 in 2000 to 7.6 in 2011. Since the mid‐2000s, public interest groups have accounted for approximately one out of two ties between MPs and interest groups, showing the strongest increase during the period. However, when looking at the most present individual groups, important business groups dominate and appear well connected with the governmental parties of the political right. Finally, interest groups are also able to forge themselves a strategic presence within the parliamentary committees that are the most relevant for their policy issues. Next research steps include the assessment of the (un)biased access of interest groups to the parliamentary venue and their policy influence. 相似文献
136.
André Brett 《Journal of Australian Studies》2017,41(1):96-112
The European discovery of the Chatham Islands in 1791 resulted in significant consequences for its indigenous Moriori people. The colonial Australian influence on the Chathams has received little scholarly attention. This article argues that the young colonies of New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land led the exploitation of the archipelago before its annexation to New Zealand in 1842. The Chathams became a secretive outpost of the colonial economy, especially the sealing trade. Colonial careering transformed the islands: environmental destruction accompanied economic exploitation, with deleterious results for the Moriori. When two Māori iwi (tribes) from New Zealand’s North Island invaded in 1835, Moriori struggled to respond as a consequence of the colonial encounter. Mobility and technology gained from the Australian colonies enabled and influenced the invasion itself, and derogatory colonial stereotypes about Aboriginal peoples informed the genocide that ensued. Hence this article writes the Chathams into Australian history and Australia into Chathams history, showing that discussions of the early colonial economy, environment, and genocide must consider the wider South Pacific context in conjunction with events internal to the colonies. 相似文献
137.
“A vast, depopulated coutry; a low density of automobiles, which are propelled by a type of gas with little sulphur; windy cities with no thermal inversions; a fairly recent genocide of dissident intellectuals and political activists; an even more recent economic collapse; a fragmented and quarrelsome left; a current government economic policy which assures stability at the price of decreased wagest less job security and increased unemployment — all these ingredients serve to suggest that red-green politics are not exactly booming in Argentina.“ 相似文献
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139.
José I. Fortea Pérez 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(2):117-138
Summary This article analyses the evolution of the fiscal policy of the Crown of Castile in the reign of Philip II in relation to the salient characteristics of the tax system and of the political and constitutional structure of the kingdom. The character of the Kingdoms of Castile as an aggregate of autonomous communities coordinated by the superior authority of the monarch was reflected in a fiscal system based upon the delegation to local authorities of the management of the most important royal taxes (alcabalas and servicios) and thus upon principles of autonomy and decentralization which made negotiation with the Kingdom in the Cortes, both with regard to the total sum and to the conditions of its collection, unavoidable. The financial needs of Philip II led him to try to overcome the rigidities of this system by extending the fiscal powers of the Crown by means of the creation of new taxes or the increase of those already in existence, as well as by redefining the constitutional processes of negotiation with the Cortes and the cities. Nevertheless, Philip II neither succeeded in getting acceptance for all his demands nor did the pressure to which he subjected the Kingdom generate any significant change in the nature of the Castilian fiscal system nor in the politico‐constitutional bases which sustained it. 相似文献