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11.
India is the home to five of the eight majestic big cats of the world. The three major big cats namely, lion, tiger, and leopard are listed in the Schedule I of the Indian Wildlife Protection Act, 1972. Apart from the severe loss of the habitat, these are continuously facing the danger of extinction mainly due to poaching and hunting for their body parts, which are being greatly valued by apothecaries marketing traditional Chinese medicines. With the advent of polymerase chain reaction (PCR), DNA-based markers have emerged as major tools in the arena of wildlife forensics. Microsatellites (short tandem repeats, STRs) are markers of choice because of their polymorphic and co-dominant nature. These strictly follow the Mendelian inheritance and are highly reproducible. We have identified a new microsatellite (STR) locus Ple 46, which shows amplification in a species-specific manner (size of STR) in all the members of the family felidae studied here. This PCR-based, non-invasive method opens a new avenue to forensic identification of big cats.  相似文献   
12.
Gunshot wounds in suicide cases are self-inflicted wounds. Self-inflicted wounds in suicide cases are usually caused by contact firing and are of great forensic significance. Evaluation of contact wound may be associated with difficulties if the bore gets obstruction prior to firing. This paper investigates the phenomenon and interprets the results of test firing conducted on 20% gelatine block at 10 degrees C, using .38 Special revolver with obstruction of a bullet in the bore. Test firings were conducted in three different muzzle-target contact conditions keeping the muzzle pressed against the gel block in each case. The physical evidence and the wound ballistic parameter namely bullet track, remaining velocity of the bullets and volume of permanent cavity have been studied. When compared with the results of contact firing conducted with the same firearm without having any bore obstruction under similar conditions, it has been found that the physical evidence and the wound ballistic parameters would be helpful for interpretation of such unusual incidents for forensic inference.  相似文献   
13.
Kohli  Inderjit  Singh  Nirvikar 《Public Choice》1999,99(3-4):275-298
This paper provides a more general model of the determination of rent-seeking costs by combining the following features: endogenous rent determination, asymmetric effectiveness of contending agents in their lobbying efforts, and multiple periods. In doing so, the paper generalizes some aspects of the work of Applelbaum and Katz (1987), Rogerson (1982), Leininger (1992) and Kohli (1992). Some results obtained are: (i) in the short run, when the regulator's salary is higher than in an alternative occupation, both the per unit cost of rent-seeking and the total rent set by regulator are highest for the same value of the relative effectiveness parameter; (ii) in the long run, an increase in the effectiveness parameter leads to a reduction in the social costs of rent seeking; (iii) in a repeated game, the equilibrium rent is lower the higher is the regulator's discount factor.  相似文献   
14.
I advance a theory about how compulsory voting affects the behavior of political parties. The theory suggests that parties will pivot toward programmatic vote‐seeking strategies and away from clientelistic tactics, such as vote buying, where voting is compulsory. I test my expectations in three separate studies, using several data sources and empirical approaches. In Study 1, cross‐national analyses show that parties behave more programmatically under compulsory voting and that vote buying is less common where voting is mandatory. In Study 2, synthetic control and difference‐in‐differences analyses show that a switch to compulsory voting in Thailand produced an increase in programmatic vote seeking. In Study 3, a list experiment conducted in tandem with a natural experiment shows that compulsory voting leads parties to rely less on vote‐buying tactics in Argentina. I conclude by discussing the implications of these findings, which together are broadly supportive of my theoretical expectations.  相似文献   
15.
Many Indian states have enacted Right to Public Services Guarantee Act that promises the delivery of public services to citizens in time‐bound fashion, failing to which, responsible government officials face financial penalty. Therefore, effective service delivery, an indicator of good and responsive governance, is being attempted to be achieved through a “system of disincentive.” The paper tries to analyze if the system of disincentive is effective in ensuring administrative accountability. The paper is based on primary and secondary data. The primary data were collected as part of an action research carried out in 2012, which was supplemented with secondary data collected for different studies during 2015 and 2016. The paper uses a governance accountability framework to analyze implementation of the Act. The study finds that although success rate of implementation of the Act is quite high, the Act presents a narrow idea of accountability. There are no accountability norms for higher officials and elected leaders who head the public service departments. The study also finds that necessary accountability structures have not been developed and there is a dearth of enabling environment that makes accountability structures effective. The study also finds that, despite the provisions for financial penalty, responsible officials find ways to escape. The study exposes weak points in the implementation of the Act, which can be strengthened to achieve desired outcomes. The study can be an important source for course corrections in the states/countries where right to public service delivery is in effect.  相似文献   
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It is argued in this article that threatening stimuli affect political participation levels among non‐authoritarians more than among authoritarians. Focusing on socioethnic diversity, which is known to be particularly threatening to authoritarians and to relate negatively to political participation in the general public, analyses of individual‐ and macro‐level data from 53 countries is presented which supports this thesis. Participation levels among authoritarians are largely static, regardless of a country's level of socioethnic heterogeneity, while non‐authoritarians participate considerably less in countries with relatively high levels of socioethnic heterogeneity. This suggests that authoritarians participate to a proportionately greater degree in the most diverse countries.  相似文献   
18.
The paper presents a study on the socio‐economic, and political empowerment of rural women, through the Self Help Groups (SHGs) in Bilaspur Division, Chhattisgarh, India. The various factors involved as empowerment indicators were individually discussed based on the data collected from the women SHG members (by random sampling). The detailed data analysis of individual factors and their impact on aforesaid empowerment have been discussed. Its level of significance has been evaluated using Chi‐Square Test and P‐value using statistical data analysis software tool SPSS. Subsequently, the degree of empowerment and the ranking of the factors, its contribution to all three dimensions of empowerment have been evaluated using the Garret Ranking Method. It is found from the study that, there is significant empowerment in all three dimensions. It is also estimated from the Garret Ranking Method, that women after associating with SHG were found economically empowered most significantly, then the socially and politically. The work will be useful for the policymakers to frame the policy and enhance the degree of women empowerment for the selected area of the study as well as other rural areas.  相似文献   
19.
The hypothesis of free peasant production in pre‐colonial India as opposed to bonded labour in Medieval Europe as the basis of denying the existence of feudalism in Indian history is critically examined. Apart from theoretical limitations, the validity of free peasant production is found questionable in light of historical evidence on the agrarian structure of Rajasthan, India, underlining the need for more issue oriented regional studies. It is suggested that in order to overcome the Euro‐centric view of feudalism it is necessary to use non‐Europen pre‐capitalist social formations as a reference point for comparative‐historical analysis. The colonial mode of historiography has led to the marginalization of princely India in Indian historical discourse. Bringing princely India from the margin to the mainstream is necessary in order to de‐colonise the discourse on Indian history. Classifying pre‐colonial social formations is more than a quarrel over a name: it is an important prerequisite if we are to understand the problem of colonial hegemony and popular resistance.  相似文献   
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