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51.
The aim of this article is to study key New Public Management (NPM) transformations undertaken at central level in the European Union public administrations of Germanic, Nordic and Southern European countries. Our study shows that there is no global tendency towards the same NPM model, although, within public administration models, there are strong similarities. Although some NPM initiatives have been taken as steps towards implementing these reforms, in other contexts they could have been adopted in order to ward off deeper reforms. 相似文献
52.
53.
Christian W. Martin 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2004,45(1):32-54
This paper investigates into the political determinants of trade policy regulation in developing countries. When choosing between the trade policy instruments tariffs and quota governments consider the effects of these policies on their political support from interest groups and voters. It is argued that quantitative restrictions become increasingly less attractive as a country democratizes. Instead, motives of revenue generation gain importance. Therefore, the likelihood of democratic governments choosing quota is smaller than for their autocratic counterparts. Empirical tests based on a sample of 75 developing countries for the years 1979–1998 support the hypothesis. 相似文献
54.
Welfare regimes and the welfare mix 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
55.
Martin L. Martens 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2004,4(2):155-169
The public affairs of a firm issuing an initial public offering (IPO) are a critical part of the corporate restructuring efforts which firms face during the process of going public. In this paper, Bowman and Singh's (1993) definition is used to illustrate how issuing an IPO is a significant form of corporate restructuring. Public affairs are critical during both the pre‐IPO phase and during the period leading up to the IPO, as the firm must negotiate a heavily institutionalised process to successfully complete the issue. Here, the six‐year life of ‘Deja News’ is used as a way to illustrate and explain the public affairs during the process of preparing for and issuing an IPO. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
56.
57.
Multiparty electoral competition in the Netherlands and Germany: A model based on multinomial probit
Schofield Normal Martin Andrew D. Quinn Kevin M. Whitford Andrew B. 《Public Choice》1998,97(3):257-293
A typical assumption of electoral models of party competition is that parties adopt policy positions so as to maximize expected vote share. Here we use Euro-barometer survey data and European elite-study data from 1979 for the Netherlands and Germany to construct a stochastic model of voter response, based on multinomial probit estimation. For each of these countries, we estimate a pure spatial electoral voting model and a joint spatial model. The latter model also includes individual voter and demographic characteristics. The pure spatial models for the two countries quite accurately described the electoral response as a stochastic function of party positions. We use these models to perform a thought experiment so as to estimate the expected vote maximizing party positions. We go on to propose a model of internal party decision-making based both on pre-election electoral estimation and post-election coalition bargaining. This model suggests why the various parties in the period in question did not adopt vote maximizing positions. We argue that maximizing expected vote will not, in general, be a rational party strategy in multiparty political systems which are based on proportional representation. 相似文献
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59.
The International Monetary Fund: A review of the recent evidence 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
A review of recent quantitative studies on the International Monetary Fund reveals that much of the conventional wisdom is
incorrect. Recent studies have demonstrated a new degree of methodological rigor, have drawn more heavily upon insights from
political science, and have asked a number of new questions. We review studies of participation in IMF programs, design of
IMF conditionality, implementation and enforcement of IMF conditions, conventional program effects and catalytic effects.
At every stage, we find substantial evidence of the influence of major IMF shareholders, of the Fund’s own organizational
imperatives, and of domestic politics within borrowing countries. We conclude that very little is known with certainty about
the effects of IMF lending, but that a great deal has been learned about the mechanics of IMF programs that will have to be
taken into account in order to obtain unbiased estimates of those effects.
相似文献
Randall W. StoneEmail: |
60.
Dr. Martin Brusis 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(1):92-113
In the present article, I propose to determine reform capacity based upon policy outcomes and the governing performance of executives. Both components shall be measured through expert assessments and quantitative data for the 30 OECD member states in order to construct an index of reform capacity. The concepts underpinning the index are explained and compared with existing approaches of performance and governance measurement. Criteria are developed to assess the strategic capacity of governments and the accountability-generating functions of political actors surrounding the government. The envisaged measurement and aggregation methods are described and the potential of the proposed approach is discussed. 相似文献