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There are distinctive modes of thinking about politics, three of which are discussed here. A mode consists of a characteristic domain of relevance, filing system, and grammar of beliefs. A person relying on Mode A treats politics as an extension of interpersonal experience. A person relying on Mode B organizes political thinking around a set of salient group identifications. A person relying on Mode C views public objects in terms of their consequences for collective goods. The three modes are illustrated by applying them to concrete issues in a hypothetical manner: Vietnam, bussing, and attitudes toward presidential candidates. The concept of surrogate attitudes is developed and various implications of the theoretical argument are discussed. 相似文献
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Professor Dr. Wilfried Erbguth 《Natur und Recht》2005,27(4):211-215
Das Umweltrecht nimmt in vielfältigen Formen und Verfahren Einfluss auf die Regionalplanung als (Haupt-)Instrument nachhaltiger Regionalentwicklung. Der Beitrag beleuchtet dies unter rechtlichen Aspekten und bezieht hierzu Stellung. Die Kritik richtet sich u. a. auf die Heterogenität umweltrechtlicher Agenden und die eingeschränkte Sanktionierung von Verstößen gegen Vorgaben des Umweltrechts.
* Schriftliche Fassung eines Vortrags auf dem Kongress Steuerungsimpulse für eine nachhaltige Regionalentwicklung am 24./25. 11. 2004 in Greifswald. Verf. ist Inhaber eines Lehrstuhls für öffentliches Recht und Geschäftsführender Direktor des Ostseeinstituts für Seerecht, Umweltrecht und Infrastrukturrecht, Universität Rostock. 相似文献
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William M. Lafferty 《Scandinavian political studies》1985,8(4):253-282
The relationship between socioeconomic resources and political participation has been the subject of considerable normative-empirical debate. The present article addresses the problem on the basis of Norwegian survey data (N = 1,170) with the intent of testing both the resource-involvement relationship and the possible consequences of value over-representation among the most active citizens. The analysis of resource-involvement dependency in relation to Robert Dahl's norm-set for ‘non-cumulative resource distributions' shows only two resources to be of potential difficulty for pluralist expectations: education and gender. Other expectations as to resource-involvement inequality prove to be nonfounded for Norway. A further test of the consequences of pedagarchal and patriarchal over-representation shows the former to imply a general ‘progressive’ bias in political values, while the latter has no clear-cut ideological implications. 相似文献
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The historical growth of criminal justice education programs can be directly related to the creation of LEAA and the education incentive program, LEEP. With the demise of LEAA and federal funding, there is the natural question of what effect, if any, this lack of financial support might have on criminal justice education programs. A stratified sample of 125 colleges and universities having such programs was surveyed to determine possible effects in student enrollments, characteristics, research funding, and other perceived changes. The data illustrate that changes in student characteristics appeared to be more significant in relation to enrollment changes than did LEAA/LEEP withdrawal. Program increases have been generally related to increases in full-time, preservice students and larger numbers of minorities and females. Programs which relied heavily on part-time, in-service students declined the most in enrollments. Colleges and universities with growing graduate programs experienced growth in bachelor and associate degrees as well. The demise of LEAA funding appears to have negatively affected most dramatically technical type programs which attracted large numbers of in-service, male, part-time students. Those which broadened their student characteristics appear to have been less affected. 相似文献
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