全文获取类型
收费全文 | 362篇 |
免费 | 19篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 27篇 |
工人农民 | 50篇 |
世界政治 | 39篇 |
外交国际关系 | 27篇 |
法律 | 164篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 71篇 |
综合类 | 2篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 12篇 |
2019年 | 24篇 |
2018年 | 18篇 |
2017年 | 22篇 |
2016年 | 20篇 |
2015年 | 17篇 |
2014年 | 16篇 |
2013年 | 52篇 |
2012年 | 16篇 |
2011年 | 18篇 |
2010年 | 14篇 |
2009年 | 11篇 |
2008年 | 12篇 |
2007年 | 10篇 |
2006年 | 16篇 |
2005年 | 9篇 |
2004年 | 12篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 7篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有381条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
101.
ABSTRACTConstructing convincing legitimacy claims is important for securing the stability of authoritarian regimes. However, extant research has struggled to systematically analyse how authoritarians substantiate their right to rule. We analyse a novel data set on authoritarian regimes’ claims to legitimacy that is based on leading country experts’ assessments of 98 states for the period 1991–2010. This analysis provides key new insights into the inner workings and legitimation strategies of current non-democratic regimes. Closed authoritarian regimes predominately rely on identity-based legitimacy claims (foundational myth, ideology and personalism). In contrast, elections fundamentally change how authoritarian rulers relate to society. In their legitimacy claims, electoral authoritarian regimes focus on their ‘adequate’ procedures, thereby mimicking democracies. All regimes also stress their purported success in proving material welfare and security to their citizens. 相似文献
102.
Sarah B. K. von Billerbeck Birte Julia Gippert 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2017,11(3):273-285
ABSTRACTThe study of legitimacy in situations of conflict and peacebuilding has increased in recent years. However, current work on the topic adopts many assumptions, definitions, and understandings from classical legitimacy theory, which centers on the relationship between the nation-state and its citizens. In this introduction, we provide a detailed critical overview of current theories of legitimacy and legitimation and demonstrate why they have only limited applicability in conflict and post-conflict contexts, focusing on the three main areas that the articles included in this special issue examine: audiences for legitimacy, sources of legitimacy, and legitimation. In particular, we show how conflict and post-conflict contexts are marked by the fragmentation and personalization of power; the proliferation and fragmentation of legitimacy audiences; and ambiguity surrounding legitimation strategies. 相似文献
103.
Diana Digol Noor Borbieva Michael Jabara Carley Ingmar Bredies Julia Kusznir Kirby Liu 《欧亚研究》2010,62(8):1403-1419
104.
105.
Julia Buxton 《Third world quarterly》2020,41(8):1371-1387
AbstractThe aims and outcomes of the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela are fiercely contested. A sympathetic view sees the possibility of Left revolutionary transformation as destabilised by aggressive US and domestic opposition actions. Detractors trace an authoritarian path from President Hugo Chávez’s election in 1998 to an inevitable socialist implosion under his successor Nicolás Maduro two decades later. This article emphasises continuities between the Bolivarian Fifth Republic and the Fourth Republic that the Revolution displaced. These account for the limitations of the transformative process. Historical institutionalism explains the reproduction of rentier practices and centralised state management and political organisation, culminating in cascading crisis across regime types. 相似文献
106.
107.
Julia O’Connell Davidson 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2016,51(1):58-73
Contemporary liberal states are eager to combat ‘human trafficking’, which state actors describe as ‘the scourge of modern slavery’ and a violation of human rights. The same states are also depriving migrants of their freedom on an unprecedented scale through immigration detention, forcibly moving them across borders through deportation, and sustaining a flourishing industry in the prevention and control of human movement. This is not a paradox. The ambition to eradicate ‘slavery’, as much as the desire to severely restrict freedom of movement, reflects a concern to preserve and extend state powers, in particular its monopoly on violence and on the control of mobility. 相似文献
108.
109.
110.
ABSTRACTThis article presents an analytical framework that guides the contributions to this special issue and, in general terms, aims at enabling a systematic investigation of processes of negotiation in the international promotion of democracy. It first briefly introduces the rationale for studying democracy promotion negotiation, offers a definition, and locates the general approach within the academic literature, bringing together different strands of research, namely studies of negotiation in international relations as well as research on democratization and democracy promotion. The larger part of the article then discusses key concepts, analytical distinctions and theoretical propositions along the lines of the three research questions that are identified in the introduction to this special issue. More specifically, the article (1) offers a typology that facilitates a systematic empirical analysis of the issues that are discussed in democracy promotion negotiations; (2) takes initial steps towards a causal theory of democracy promotion negotiation by identifying and discussing a set of parameters that can be expected to shape such negotiations; and (3) introduces key distinctions and dimensions that help guide empirical research on the output and outcome of negotiations in democracy promotion. 相似文献