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991.
992.
The Food Preferences of the Blow Fly Lucilia cuprina Offered Human Blood,Semen and Saliva,and Various Nonhuman Foods Sources 下载免费PDF全文
Annalisa Durdle Ph.D. Robert J. Mitchell Ph.D. Roland A. H. van Oorschot Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(1):99-103
As human DNA profiles can be obtained from blow fly artifacts, this study aimed to establish the feeding preferences of Lucilia cuprina (Wiedemann) blow flies when offered human biological fluids and nonhuman food sources. One‐day‐old and 3‐day‐old blow flies of both sexes were simultaneously offered human blood, semen and saliva, pet food, canned tuna and honey, and the number and length of visits documented over 6 h. One‐day‐old flies visited pet food and honey most often, but stayed longest on honey and semen. Three‐day‐old flies visited semen and pet food most often, and stayed longest on these food sources. Blood and saliva were the least preferred options for all flies. Overall, flies preferred dry blood and semen to the wet forms. These findings demonstrate that even when other food sources are available, flies at a crime scene may feed on human biological fluids if present, potentially transferring human DNA. 相似文献
993.
Political Dynasties in the UK House of Commons: The Null Effect of Narrow Electoral Selection 下载免费PDF全文
Brenda van Coppenolle 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2017,42(3):449-475
Does power persist within families? This article considers whether members of the UK House of Commons with longer legislative careers after 1832 were more likely to establish a political dynasty. Tenure can create opportunities to promote relatives. A regression discontinuity design for re‐election races helps to rule out the confounding influence of inheritable traits. There is no evidence for a causal effect of tenure length on establishing or continuing a dynasty. Established families may have constrained further dynasty development, explaining the null result of tenure. 相似文献
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995.
Sara Geven Jan O. Jonsson Frank van Tubergen 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2017,46(12):2421-2445
Boys engage in notably higher levels of resistance to schooling than girls. While scholars argue that peer processes contribute to this gender gap, this claim has not been tested with longitudinal quantitative data. This study fills this lacuna by examining the role of dynamic peer-selection and influence processes in the gender gap in resistance to schooling (i.e., arguing with teachers, skipping class, not putting effort into school, receiving punishments at school, and coming late to class) with two-wave panel data. We expect that, compared to girls, boys are more exposed and more responsive to peers who exhibit resistant behavior. We estimate hybrid models on 5448 students from 251 school classes in Sweden (14–15 years, 49% boys), and stochastic actor-based models (SIENA) on a subsample of these data (2480 students in 98 classes; 49% boys). We find that boys are more exposed to resistant friends than girls, and that adolescents are influenced by the resistant behavior of friends. These peer processes do not contribute to a widening of the gender gap in resistance to schooling, yet they contribute somewhat to the persistence of the initial gender gap. Boys are not more responsive to the resistant behavior of friends than girls. Instead, girls are influenced more by the resistant behavior of lower status friends than boys. This explains to some extent why boys increase their resistance to schooling more over time. All in all, peer-influence and selection processes seem to play a minor role in gender differences in resistance to schooling. These findings nuance under investigated claims that have been made in the literature. 相似文献
996.
Theeuwen AB van Barneveld S Drok JW Keereweer I Lesger B Limborgh JC Naber WM Schrok R Velders T 《Forensic science international》2001,119(1):57-67
Methods for chemical enhancement of muddy footwear impressions were compared in order to differentiate between utilisation at the scene of crime, the local (regional) police laboratory and the Netherlands Forensic Institute (NFI) 相似文献
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Arwin van Buuren 《International Public Management Journal》2013,16(2):208-235
ABSTRACT Different ways of knowing (WOKs) present in governance processes easily give rise to controversies and conflicts and forestall collective action. To resolve these conflicts it is necessary to understand what constitutes a WOK and how we can organize inclusion through collaborative governance. This paper argues that WOKs contain different knowledge elements: they contain different bodies of factual knowledge, formulate specific knowledge questions, and prefer different methods and knowledge institutes. WOKs also encompass different frames, interpretations, or normative perceptions of reality. And finally, different WOKs make use of different sources and types of organizing capacity. Realizing successful collaborative governance processes means organizing inclusion of these different components of knowledge. This paper investigates the implications of this knowledge diversity for realizing collaborative governance processes and the challenges for inclusive knowledge management—through an in-depth case study of a collaborative governance process between the Netherlands and Flanders. We conclude that realizing inclusion between various WOKs and their knowledge components contributes to the overall success of a collaborative governance process. However, managing inclusive knowledge is as much a matter of conscious strategies as it is the result of an emergent interaction process between stakeholders, experts, and officials within various WOKs. Furthermore, although knowledge inclusion facilitates successful negotiation between stakeholders, it doesn't guarantee a successful outcome of these negotiations. 相似文献
999.
Within the large body of China-Africa literature, there is a growing body of literature that differentiates between China’s various economic actors, more specifically between its state-owned and private enterprises. This paper intends to contribute to this literature by comparing Chinese state-owned enterprises and hybrid (mixed owned) enterprises with private enterprises in Kampala, the capital of Uganda. An air of mystery often surrounds Chinese companies in Africa, this paper will provide some clarity concerning companies in Kampala. To do this we first look at the governmental assistance given to these companies, then the kind of assistance they potentially receive. Next we investigate what motivated these companies to come to Uganda, and how they established themselves, whether it is after a Chinese aid project or construction job, or some other route. We further investigate the size, employment policy and markets of these Chinese state-owned enterprises in Kampala. Finally we look at the employment of Ugandan labour and management, the problems faced by the enterprises and the environmental challenges, as well as how these are dealt with. We conclude that Chinese SOEs and mixed ownership companies in Uganda are involved in a small range of sectors, often capital-intensive sectors such as oil and construction, and are therefore also larger than the majority of the Chinese private enterprises. SOEs and mixed ownership enterprises tend to have arrived in Uganda earlier than most private enterprises, face slightly different problems, and are more interested in the Ugandan market as whole than their privately owned counterparts. More importantly, they have greater proportions of local employees and are more interested in indigenizing their workforces. 相似文献
1000.
ABSTRACTMany post-war states experience continuous low-intensity violence for years after the formal end of the conflict. Existing theories often focus on country-level explanations of post-war violence, such as the presence of spoilers or the nature of the peace agreement. Yet, post-war violence does not affect all communities equally; whereas some remain entrenched in violence, others escape the perpetuation of violent conflict. We argue that communities where wartime mobilization at the local level is based on the formation of alliances between armed groups and local elites are more likely to experience post-war violence, than communities where armed groups generate civilian support based on grassroots backing of the group’s political objectives. We explore this argument in a comparison of three communities in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, which have experienced different levels of post-war violence. The analysis supports the main argument and contributes to the research on the microdynamics of civil war by outlining the implications of certain strategies of wartime mobilization and how these may generate localized legacies. 相似文献