Social Democracy or Social Liberalism? Ideological Sources of Liberal Democrat Policy

Liberal Democrat policy has been labelled as social democratic, yet the party has been reluctant to so describe itself. Taking Crosland's The Future of Socialism as a reference point, there appears to be much shared ground between social democracy and Liberal Democrat policy. Meanwhile, the party's tax policy adopted in 2006 takes the Croslandite approach of taxing wealth rather than income. Despite this, the article argues that the party is a social liberal rather than a social democratic one. These two political philosophies have so much in common that it is understandable that some commentators see the influence of social democracy where they might instead perceive social liberalism. Yet the two differ in their attitudes to the state. Both see a positive role for the state in furthering social goods. However, social liberalism shares classical liberal concerns about the dangers of an over-mighty state. This approach underpins Liberal Democrat policy.     

Are programme resources related to organizational change?

Abstract. This article joins two public policy approaches often employed separately: the analysis of changes in programme expenditure, and of organizational change. The first section reviews a series of alternative propositions about their relationship: organizations constricting programme innovation, or promoting efficiency or inefficiency; programme changes causing fission or fusion in organizations; increasing programme expenditure by replicating service delivery units rather than re-organization; and the place of symbolic and ad hoc political priorities. After considering problems of analyzing programme and organizational changes empirically, the article examines changes since 1945 in two major policy areas of British government, health and social security, and trade and industry. The empirical evidence emphasizes the dominance of political priorities, symbolic as well as programmatic: the capacity of organizations to grow at the base, by replicating service delivery units while formally remaining unchanged at the top, and of organizations growing at the top, by formal re-organization, while programme budgets and service delivery units are unaffected by symbolic reshuffling.     

Solving Problems

IN the late 1970s, Chinese uni-versities reopened after a 10-yearhiatus during the "cultural revolu-tion." Back then, students werethrilled to have the opportunityof college education that had been de-nied to so many of their elder brothersand sisters, and elation was the prevalentmood on campus. A quarter of a centurylater, the picture is very different. Facingleaner prospects in a highly competitivejob market, the heavy responsibilities ofan only child, and a range of other socialand econom…     

New Playgrounds for ＂Little Emperors＂

Wealth and Western influence are among the factors behind an emerging group of pleasure-seeking Chinese youths. STEREOTYPICALLY, a Chinese youngster studies long hours, obeys his parents and is righteousness personified. Kids that shoot pool, chainsmoke cigarettes and listen to expletive-loaded rap music are meanwhile     

POLICE VIOLENCE AS A FUNCTION OF COMMUNITY CHARACTERISTICS

The authors find that existing models concerning police violence are not i designed to explain variation among the states in the rates of police use ‘of deadly force. This variation correlates significantly with numerous cultural attributes of the public. The strongest correlates are with the public rates of violence. Therefore, the authors propose to moody existing modeb, and explain the police use of violence as a response to community characteristics. Where public violence is neither normative nor commonly occurrent. the police will be self-restrained. Where the incidence of violence reveals a common means of conflict resolution, the police will adopt its use. Thus, the police use of violence is a culturally determined characteristic and not a police pathology.     

AWAITING THE CROWN'S PLEASURE The Case of Daniel M'Naughton

This article seeks to place the Daniel M'Naughton case in its political context: to argue that the court's verdict of insanity cannot be satisfactorily understood unless it is recognized that Daniel M'Naughton was apolitical criminal. The insanity verdict served to discredit M'Naughton and the political ideas he represented by interpreting his act as the product of a diseased mind. The widespread political problems that the Tory government was experiencing throughout Britain were reduced to a personal problem plaguing Daniel M'Naughton. By regarding Daniel M'Naughton as a criminal lunatic incapable of distinguishing right from wrong, the court indicated that the explanation for his behavior would have to be sought in medical or psychiatric terms instead of in political terms.