全文获取类型
收费全文 | 452篇 |
免费 | 8篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 30篇 |
世界政治 | 50篇 |
外交国际关系 | 3篇 |
法律 | 208篇 |
中国政治 | 33篇 |
政治理论 | 135篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 6篇 |
2013年 | 19篇 |
2012年 | 7篇 |
2011年 | 18篇 |
2010年 | 9篇 |
2009年 | 21篇 |
2008年 | 25篇 |
2007年 | 32篇 |
2006年 | 28篇 |
2005年 | 24篇 |
2004年 | 11篇 |
2003年 | 13篇 |
2002年 | 8篇 |
2001年 | 5篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 13篇 |
1998年 | 11篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 7篇 |
1995年 | 7篇 |
1994年 | 10篇 |
1993年 | 5篇 |
1992年 | 7篇 |
1991年 | 6篇 |
1990年 | 8篇 |
1989年 | 9篇 |
1988年 | 8篇 |
1987年 | 8篇 |
1986年 | 7篇 |
1984年 | 5篇 |
1983年 | 5篇 |
1982年 | 6篇 |
1981年 | 6篇 |
1980年 | 9篇 |
1979年 | 13篇 |
1978年 | 6篇 |
1977年 | 7篇 |
1976年 | 4篇 |
1975年 | 5篇 |
1974年 | 7篇 |
1972年 | 3篇 |
1969年 | 2篇 |
1968年 | 2篇 |
1967年 | 4篇 |
1966年 | 4篇 |
1964年 | 2篇 |
1961年 | 3篇 |
1960年 | 2篇 |
1958年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有460条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
421.
Official statistics and numerous sociological studies indicate that rural areas generate lower rates of delinquency than do urban areas. This study attempts to explain these differential rates by drawing on the social control theory of Hirschi. Questionnaires were administered to a rural and an urban juvenile detention center population to investigate both extent of delin-quency involvement and degree of commitment to five institutional orders: family, church, school, peers, and formal authority. As hypothesized, the rural sample reported significantly less delinquent activity than the urban sample. Control theory also received support from the data. A strong inverse relationship was found between commitment and delinquency. When intro-duced as a control variable, commitment specified the original relationship between locality and delinquency. The specified relationships were strongest for rural youth with high commitment and for urban youth with low commitment. 相似文献
422.
423.
RICHARD KELLY 《The Political quarterly》2004,75(4):398-404
This chapter almost coincides with the fiftieth anniversary of Robert McKenzie's British Political Parties , a study which contested that power in the Tory party was centralised in its Parliamentary leadership, with its constituency members having only a marginal influence. The chapter revisits McKenzie's analysis in the light of developments since 2001, particularly the victory of Iain Duncan Smith in that year's 'democratised' Conservative leadership contest.
The chapter argues that Duncan Smith's victory strengthened McKenzie's claim that democratised parties are seldom popular, and describes how IDS, ironically, spawned reforms that diminished his extra-Parliamentary supporters. But the chapter is also an updated reminder that McKenzie underrated grass root power in certain areas - notably candidate selection - and suggests a lesson from the Tories' short-lived revival under Michael Howard, namely that long-term party recovery requires an energised party membership as well as a competent party leader. 相似文献
The chapter argues that Duncan Smith's victory strengthened McKenzie's claim that democratised parties are seldom popular, and describes how IDS, ironically, spawned reforms that diminished his extra-Parliamentary supporters. But the chapter is also an updated reminder that McKenzie underrated grass root power in certain areas - notably candidate selection - and suggests a lesson from the Tories' short-lived revival under Michael Howard, namely that long-term party recovery requires an energised party membership as well as a competent party leader. 相似文献
424.
RICHARD HEFFERNAN 《The Political quarterly》2005,76(2):264-272
Privatisation in the UK was facilitated by the interplay of ideas, institutions, actors, and economic interests. The motivations of the programme were ideational and political, but the objectives were economic and administrative. Together these paved the way for the success of the policy. Although several rationales were at play in the unfolding of privatisation, the ideological predilection of the Thatcher governments underpinned this far-reaching policy reform. This explains why the Thatcher government did not reform nationalized industries within the public sector, but instead shifted them into the private sector. Privatisation succeeded because it was championed by new right policy entrepreneurs, was supported by interest groups prepared to support, or least not impede, such dramatic policy change, and when the public enterprise status quo was deemed in need of reform. Of course, ideas only act as a catalyst for policy change when an established policy agenda having withered, been worn-out or otherwise discredited, can then be successfully challenged. 相似文献
425.
In the public administration literature, ways in which perceptions of red tape vary between different parts of the public sector remains relatively unexplored. In this article we define organizational red tape as a subject‐dependent concept; that is, we expect to see variations in the level and type of red tape between different internal stakeholder groups. We then explain variations with two organizational‐based variables, professionalization and marketization. The empirical analysis is undertaken on nearly 800 English local government services. The framework correctly predicts that officials in highly professionalized and marketized services perceive higher levels of red tape, while those in less professionalized and marketized services report lower levels. We then summarize our findings and comment on their theoretical and practical significance. 相似文献
426.
RICHARD S. KATZ 《European Journal of Political Research》1999,36(3-4):539-547
427.
RICHARD HOFFMANN 《北京周报(英文版)》2009,(51)
Forming a joint venture (JV) in China can be a successful endeavor as long as each side's goals, contributions and responsibilities are mutual and understood. Unfortunately, this is not always the case, 相似文献
428.
429.
430.