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Johnson R Gilchrist E Beech AR Weston S Takriti R Freeman R 《Journal of interpersonal violence》2006,21(10):1270-1285
A number of studies have described subtypes of domestically violent men, and the heterogeneity of domestically violent men is well established. The aim of the current study was to investigate the distribution of subtypes using psychometric measures in convicted domestically violent offenders in England. Four subtypes of offenders were identified: low pathology, borderline, narcissistic, and antisocial. These subtypes were broadly comparable with the family-only, dysphoric/borderline, and generally violent/antisocial types proposed by Holtzworth-Munroe and Stuart. The majority of the sample (60%) best fit the generally violent/antisocial profile. However, the reliance on psychometric measurement and lack of corroborative evidence from partners means that further research is necessary to test these findings. 相似文献
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Why did the Pakistani military carry out genocidal violence against East Pakistani Hindus during the 1971 civil war when the Hindus did not constitute a security threat? This question carries not only theoretical but also important policy and security implications in present-day Bangladesh. A uniquely in-depth analysis of the little-known genocide in East Pakistan in 1971 shows that genocidal violence may be used as an instrument of nation-building. It was designed to mobilize both the Pakistani troops and the Bengali Muslim population against a convenient, well-defined enemy. The logic of othering – and then exterminating – a religious minority was meant to integrate a defiant, and previously marginalized, group into a reimagined community. 相似文献
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Michael A. Hoffiman Rachel Levy-Shiff Daphna Malinski 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1996,25(2):161-175
Research on adult populations (P.T. Costa and R. R McCrae [1986] From Catalog to Classification; Murray's Needs and the Five Factor Model, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,Vol. 55, pp. 258–265) has indicated that neuroticism tends to exacerbate the dynamic link between stressful life events and maladjustment, whereas extroversion tends to ameliorate it. The present study examined the developmental relevance of this model during the transition to adolescence. Questionnaire data regarding stressful life events, neuroticism, and extroversion were provided by 51 males aged 10–11 and by 68 males aged 12–13, with parallel data on adjustment provided by homeroom teachers. As expected, regression analyses revealed significant interactions between personality traits and life events in the prediction of adjustment among adolescents, but not preadolescents. Further, significant but low correlations appeared in both age groups between personality traits and the appearance of stressful events as well as adjustment problems. Discussion focused on the dynamically differing processes linking personality, stress, and adjustment during the transition to adolescence.Received doctorate in educational psychology from UCLA. Research interests include stress and coping across the life span, social sources of adolescent self-esteem, and intergroup relations in the junior high school.Received doctorate in clinical psychology from The Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Research interests include family relations, social and emotional development in children and adolescents, and developmental psychopathology. To whom correspondence should be addressed.Research interests focus on social support in the family. 相似文献
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Rachel E. Johnson 《Democratization》2013,20(3):478-500
The article focuses on the most common form of institutionally punished disruption seen in South Africa's National Assembly since 1994: orders for individual MPs to withdraw from the chamber. The shifting dynamics of such “set-piece” dramatizations of opposition and their relationship with the established analyses of political opposition in post-apartheid South Africa, especially “dominant party democracy” theory are explored. There have been two main styles of disruptive performance in the National Assembly since 1994. Firstly, performances of perceived political marginalization, and secondly, performances that paradoxically lay claim to uphold parliamentary democracy through rule-breaking, which are termed performances of procedure-as-democracy. The article examines how opposition politicians have justified disruption and unpicks the symbolism of prominent incidents. The focus is upon the performance of disruption and its performative aspects, particular the articulation of race and gender. It is argued that performances of procedure-as-democracy are actually one of the principal means by which opposition political parties perform narratives of ANC dominance and as such require much more attention and critical engagement from political scholars interested in dominant party democracy. 相似文献
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Rachel Sieder 《Democratization》2013,20(2):17-40
Although Central America returned to electoral rule during the 1980s, lack of participation, political violence and militarization meant that democracy remained decidedly limited. This articles outlines the particularities of the transition to constitutional government for the case of Honduras, and examines the role of successive electoral processes on prospects for democratic consolidation, focusing on the relationship between electoral processes and the nature of the party system. It is maintained here that whilst the longevity of the bipartisan system has been an important element of stability, the nature of the two dominant parties (Liberal and National) has hindered the consolidation of a more democratic politics. However, the article also argues that successive elections have been the catalyst for limited modernization of the party system and have increased citizenship confidence in the electoral process, and that this ‐together with a gradual reduction in the influence of the military ‐ has strengthened future prospects for deepening democracy. None the less, the article concludes that unless a new relationship is established between political parties and civil society to ensure a more representative and participatory form of politics, democracy will remain limited in Honduras. 相似文献
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