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331.
332.
Rachel E. Stern 《Journal of law and society》2016,43(4):506-533
This article uses the case of contemporary China to explore an understudied type of political socialization: the bar exam. Content analysis of 3,996 exam questions from 2002–2014 shows a turning point in the mid‐2000s, when the test became explicitly political. The newly political exam is now a site of political learning where tomorrow's lawyers, judges, and prosecutors perform loyalty by exchanging politically correct answers for points. Viewed from this perspective, the Chinese bar exam has much in common with demands for public displays of correct behaviour in other authoritarian states. This adds a fresh, political layer to our understanding of whose interests bar exams serve, and why they take the form they do. 相似文献
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334.
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Gender discrimination is a common experience for adolescent girls and has implications for their mental health and identity development. Guided by... 相似文献
335.
Daniel Boduszek Rachel Belsher Katie Dhingra Maria Ioannou 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2014,25(1):61-76
The present study aimed to (a) examine the role of Oppositional defiant disorder (ODD) and Conduct disorder (CD) in predicting recidivism, while controlling for childhood arrest, perceived neighbourhood crime frequency, alcohol consumption, age and gender, and (b) explore the relevance of these factors in predicting risk of recidivism for males and females separately. Participants were 669 ex-prisoners identified in the National Survey of American Life. Results revealed that gender, CD and average daily alcohol consumption predicted recidivism. When separate models were estimated for males and females, only average daily alcohol consumption was predictive of female recidivism. By comparison, recidivism was significantly predicted in males by CD in youth and childhood arrest. ODD was also negatively associated with recidivism in males. Consequently, targeting variables identified as significant predictors of recidivism for both males and females, or males, is unlikely to be an optimal way of reducing repeat offending. 相似文献
336.
Rachel M. Gisselquist 《发展研究杂志》2019,55(3):333-347
AbstractLegal empowerment has become widely accepted in development policy circles as an approach to addressing poverty and exclusion. At the same time, it has received relatively little attention from political scientists and sociologists working on overlapping and closely related topics – the rule of law, the functioning of judicial systems, property rights, labour politics, and business and governance, among others. Research on legal empowerment has been largely applied, with clearest grounding in the fields of law and economics. This special issue speaks to this gap with contributions on six core areas of legal empowerment. This article frames the collection. It provides a brief introduction to legal empowerment and advances two broad arguments. First, an ethnic group-focused approach is a useful starting point in considering the impact of legal empowerment and other development interventions. Second, the state via the law contributes to ethnic inequalities in four broad ways – via its written laws, their implementation and actual practice, historical legacies of law and practice, and ethnic hegemony embedded in the system. Thinking about legal empowerment initiatives within this framework provides understanding both of their potential and their limitations. 相似文献
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Michah W. Rothbart Amy Ellen Schwartz Thad D. Calabrese Zachary Papper Todor Mijanovich Rachel Meltzer Diana Silver 《Public administration review》2019,79(5):651-665
Can governments use grades to induce businesses to improve their compliance with regulations? Does public disclosure of compliance with food safety regulations matter for restaurants? Ultimately, this depends on whether grades matter for the bottom line. Based on 28 months of data on more than 15,000 restaurants in New York City, this article explores the impact of public restaurant grades on economic activity and public resources using rigorous panel data methods, including fixed‐effects models with controls for underlying food safety compliance. Results show that A grades reduce the probability of restaurant closure and increase revenues while increasing sales taxes remitted and decreasing fines relative to B grades. Conversely, C grades increase the probability of restaurant closure and decrease revenues while decreasing sales taxes remitted relative to B grades. These findings suggest that policy makers can incorporate public information into regulations to more strongly incentivize compliance. 相似文献
339.
Determination of the genetically controlled variants of the polymorphic Gc system was achieved by electrophoresis on cellulose acetate membranes followed by immunofixation with a specific anti-Gc antiserum. The method is applicable to plasma, whole hemolyzed blood, and dried blood. Multiple specimens can be analyzed simultaneously within 60 to 80 min. The cellulose acetate electrophoretogram of the Gc variants remains as a permanent record. 相似文献
340.
Rachel Flanary 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1998,29(2-3):179-196
Significant changes in the global political climate during the late 1980s sparked off dramatic enthusiasm for democratisation
which swept across much of the developing world. Previously authoritarian governments, through the combined pressures from
both external and internal arenas began to topple, to be replaced by regimes organised along liberal democratic lines. Internally,
the public reacted to the corrupt and repressive tactics of a predatory patron-client state system which had continually failed
to operate in accordance with societal needs, with street riots, strikes and other outbursts of discontent as a result. Such
events played a major part in introducing multi-party politics by demanding accountability from those in power. Such dramatic
changes were also a product of marked changes in the external environment, with governments no longer able to rely on uncritical
donor support to secure a bulwark against communism. Furthermore, excessive state repression and intervention, in terms of
human rights violations were no longer deemed to be acceptable behaviour. This is mirrored by a clear policy change as evidenced
by the British Government's White Paper (1997) which clearly outlines the need for a more enabling, effective and strengthened
role for governments in the developing world which enables them to become more dedicated to promoting the interests of the
most disadvantaged sectors of society. Only governments which demonstrate a commitment to good governance may receive funding
and not adhering to these policy dictates could have drastic consequences in terms of future levels and types of support.
This article charts the issues concerning the new role for the state and its implications for achieving sustainable, participatory
democracies in the context of the state in Africa.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献