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871.
Basic income advocates propose a model that they believe will dramatically improve on current welfare programmes by alleviating poverty, reducing involuntary unemployment and social exclusion, redistributing care work, achieving a better work–life balance, and so on. Whether these expected social effects materialise in practice critically depends on how the model is implemented, but on this topic the basic income debate remains largely silent. Few advocates explicitly consider questions of implementation, and those that do are typically dismissive of the administrative challenges of implementing a basic income and critical (even overtly hostile) towards bureaucracy. In this contribution we briefly examine (and rebut) several reasons that have led basic income advocates to ignore administration. The main peril of such neglect, we argue, is that it misleads basic income advocates into a form of Panglossian optimism that risks causing basic income advocacy to become self‐defeating. 相似文献
872.
Helder De Schutter 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2017,20(1):75-87
Within the umbrella of equal recognition, several principles of linguistic justice can be distinguished. A first, the per-capita principle, mandates prorating language recognition based on a per-capita distribution. A second, the equal-services principle, prescribes upholding the official languages as the languages in which the state speaks and in which public services are provided, irrespective of changing numbers of speakers. Alan Patten defends the prorated per-capita principle. I argue for the equal-services principle, which practically will often amount to a form of linguistic maximin: the more vulnerable the language, the more numerous the resources. 相似文献
873.
Jennifer De Forest 《Women's history review》2013,22(1):61-74
This article details the creation of Women United for the United Nations (WUUN), a coalition of US women's non-governmental organizations created in the wake of the Second World War to advocate for the United Nations and the efficacy of collective security. The article illuminates the strategies the organization used to flourish in the 1950s, an era characterized by suspicion of political activism and conformity for US women. It describes WUUN's initiatives and documents the way the organization clashed with a more radical women's peace group, WOMAN. The article places the discussion of WUUN in the context of work done by other historians on the fate of other US women's organizations in the 1950s and provides a detailed account of the measures WUUN took to navigate the complexities that confronted women activists in the Cold War. 相似文献
874.
Ralph A. Luken 《The Review of International Organizations》2009,4(2):159-184
The United Nations Industrial Development Organization’s (UNIDO) portfolio of technical cooperation projects changed radically
between 1992 and 2004. In 1992, industrial-development-related projects constituted 98% of the portfolio in monetary terms,
and environment-related projects 2% while, in 2004, the former constituted 43% and the latter 57%. However, the larger share
of the environment-related projects in 2004 was only marginally, if at all, linked to UNIDO’s industrial development agenda.
A compelling explanation for this radical change in the organization’s technical cooperation portfolio is provided by a model
of strategic choice that draws on resource dependency and institutional approaches and that allows for staff strategic actions.
Two factors, UNIDO’s financial and confidence crisis in the 1990s and an organizational culture wedded to industrial development,
shaped UNIDO’s strategic responses, which, for the most part, did not integrate environmental concerns into industrial development
projects and programs as instructed by its principal governing body.
相似文献
Ralph A. LukenEmail: |
875.
Andrea Porzionato M.D. Ph.D. Diego Guidolin Ph.D. Aron Emmi Ph.D. Rafael Boscolo-Berto M.D. Gloria Sarasin Ph.D. Anna Rambaldo Ph.D. Veronica Macchi M.D. Ph.D. Raffaele De Caro M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(6):2155-2159
High-quality digital three-dimensional (3D) reconstructions of microscopic findings have been used in anatomical and histopathologic research, but their use in forensic pathology may also be of interest. This paper presents an application of these methods to better characterize the pathway of a stab wound of the anterior surface of the heart in a case of suicide. A portion of the heart wall including the stab wound was serially sectioned for microscopic analysis along the full extent of the wound. Histologic sections were digitally acquired, and a 3D reconstruction was created with ImageJ software for 3D computer graphics. This showed a full-thickness wound path extending to the endocardial surface of the left ventricle, curvilinear in appearance. After correction for shrinkage, 3D reconstruction allowed estimation of the dimensions of the myocardial injury and comparison of the appearance of the wound with the suspected knife used. The curvilinear appearance was considered to reflect injury during myocardial contraction. Complete microscopic sectioning and 3D reconstruction may allow virtual sectioning through various orientations and also provide useful forensic information for selected injuries. 相似文献
876.
计划经济时期,我国对社会进行管理的路径是城镇单位制和农村政社合一的村社制.改革开放以后,随着社会的转型,单位制和村社制所覆盖的社会领域开始逐步退缩,继而兴起了以社区为依托的新型社会整合机制,并且各地进行了一些社区制度创新.但由于长期以来存在的城乡二元分割制度,我国社区建设存在着城乡发展不平衡等一系列问题,不利于社会的和谐稳定.当前要积极推进城乡基本公共服务均等化,进行一系列探索来统筹城乡社区建设. 相似文献
877.
This paper analyses government approval in Italy – which has become a key aspect for electoral support in the new party system of the Second Republic – exploring the influence that TV coverage exerts on approval net of traditional accounts of government support. Relying on both aggregate time series and pooled individual-level surveys analyses, it is shown that communication has a sizable impact on government approval. The popularity of Centre-Left and Centre-Right governments is affected evenly by the economy but differently by the news coverage of their activity. People with lower political interest are the most reactive to news coverage of government performance. 相似文献
878.
Eduardo Geraldo de Campos M.S. Melissa Fogarty M.S.F.S. Bruno Spinosa De Martinis Ph.D. Barry Kerr Logan Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(1):183-188
2,4-dinitrophenol (2,4-DNP) is a compound used in the early 1900s as a weight-loss drug but later prohibited due to its severe adverse effects, including death. It has however been attracting interest, due to its weight-loss properties, and appears to be re-emerging in forensic casework. As 2,4-DNP is available for use in industry and as a pesticide and easily accessible online, the dissemination of this drug can be fast. The compound exerts its effects through inhibition of ATP synthesis, and corresponding thermogenic energy loss which can be fatal. A method for qualitative and quantitative analysis of 2,4-DNP in blood and urine specimens using GC-MS with hydrogen as carrier gas is described. The method was validated and displayed acceptable performance parameters with linearity (R2 higher than 0.998), inter-assay imprecision (lower than 10.6%), intra-assay imprecision (lower than 10.7%), and extraction efficiency (92.1%). Stability of 2,4-DNP in blood and urine was studied, and the drug was stable up to 30 days refrigeration or frozen. Six cases in United States suspected to be related to 2,4-DNP were analyzed. Three cases were found to be positive for 2,4-DNP. Concentrations of 2,4-DNP were in the range of 61.6–220 mg/L in urine and <3–114 mg/L in blood. Based on our findings, we suggest that medical examiners and forensic toxicologists be aware of the reappearance of 2,4-DNP, including this compound as a target in death investigations related to weight-loss drugs. 相似文献
879.
Stanley Matthew L. Henne Paul Yang Brenda W. De Brigard Felipe 《Political Behavior》2020,42(3):891-913
Political Behavior - People seem more divided than ever before over social and political issues, entrenched in their existing beliefs and unwilling to change them. Empirical research on mechanisms... 相似文献
880.
Manuel Augusto Diez Alarcón Thomas Legler Flor De María Rodríguez Mariana Ruiz 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2020,39(Z1):121-125
Diverse sources have constructed a common narrative of individual and isolated responses by countries and their leaders to the global coronavirus pandemic, akin to sálvese quien pueda (every man for himself). This article suggests that this is a simplification of the governance of the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru. Peru's governance story is one of domestic public and private action closely interwoven with crucial elements of transnational administration out of sheer necessity. The struggle against the pandemic has generated a domestic and transnational administrative symbiosis, involving authorities at multiple levels in efforts to fill a series of interconnected domestic, regional, and global governance gaps. 相似文献