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501.
The impact of resource wealth on society remains highly contested in the literature. Some perspectives suggest that resource wealth is associated with political apathy, while others indicate that resource wealth fosters violent civil conflicts. We leverage these seemingly contradictory impacts of natural resources on society by expanding the scope of inquiry to explore different types of resource wealth (oil and minerals) as well as other dimensions of political life (protest). Utilising a global dataset for the period 1950–2006, we test the impact of resource wealth on mobilisation. We find that while oil wealth demobilises citizens in all regime types, mineral wealth strongly correlates with higher levels of mobilisation in democracies, though not in autocracies. In addition, using survey data, we examine individual-level attitudes toward protest participation in two resource-rich states, Peru and Ecuador. The results indicate that an individual living in a mineral-rich country like Peru is more likely to participate in a protest compared to an individual living in an oil-rich country like Ecuador. Our findings highlight the contributions of the resource activism framework for understanding the connection between natural resources and mobilisation. 相似文献
502.
Does internet usage increase the likelihood of political protest, and is the effect larger among women than men? Using data from three waves of the Arab Barometer Survey, historical research and interviews with women activists, this paper contributes to the growing body of literature on information ecology and contentious politics in the Middle East. We hypothesized that the internet increases public protest for all individuals but differentially enhances women’s involvement in public protest in the Middle East. We find that there are substantial gender gaps in internet usage and political protest, and that internet usage increases political protest of adults, on average, regardless of gender. However, internet usage does not differentially increase public protest among women (including during the Arab Spring). Our paper problematizes the notion that the internet is a low-cost and safe space for women’s political activism. 相似文献
503.
Rebecca A. Colman Do Han Kim Susan Mitchell-Herzfeld Therese A. Shady 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(3):355-366
Although the number of girls served by the juvenile justice system has grown dramatically, little is known about the adult
offending patterns of delinquent girls and the factors associated with their persistence and desistance from adult crime.
To address this gap, we prospectively track 499 girls (62% Black, 16% Hispanic) discharged from juvenile justice facilities
in the early 1990s and document their adult arrests, convictions, and incarcerations between the ages of 16–28. Trajectory
analysis reveals four distinct early adult offending paths: Rare/Non-Offending (RN), Low Chronic (LC), Low-Rising (LR), and
High Chronic (HC). Girls assigned to the LR and LC path are responsible for a disproportionate amount of adult arrests and
are more likely than girls on the RN and LC path to come from homes characterized by high levels of family dysfunction and
child maltreatment. Adoption of a therapeutic, trauma-sensitive and family-centered approach to female delinquency programming
is recommended.
相似文献
Rebecca A. ColmanEmail: |
504.
Rebecca S. Siegel Annette M. La Greca Hannah M. Harrison 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(8):1096-1109
This study used a 2-month prospective research design to examine the bi-directional interplay between peer victimization and
social anxiety among adolescents. Participants included 228 adolescents (58% female) in grades 10–12. Three types of peer
victimization were examined: overt (physical aggression or verbal threats), relational (malicious manipulation of a relationship, such as by friendship withdrawal), and reputational (damaging another’s peer relationships, such as through rumor spreading). Adolescents’ self-reported feelings of social anxiety
and peer victimization experiences were assessed at two time points, in November and January of the same school year. Peer
victimization was strongly related to adolescents’ social anxiety, and relational victimization explained additional unique
variance. Moreover, peer victimization was both a predictor and consequence of social anxiety over time, with the most robust
results found for relational victimization. Limited support was obtained for gender as a moderating variable. Findings highlight
the deleterious effects of peer victimization, especially relational victimization, and suggest avenues for future research
and clinical intervention for adolescents experiencing such victimization.
相似文献
Rebecca S. SiegelEmail: |
505.
Rebecca Adami 《Journal of Human Rights》2018,17(3):357-366
The concept of “intersectional dialogue” is developed in the article to analyze intersections of power in dialogue, specifically in analyzing the relations between the particular and the universal in the negotiations surrounding the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). The drafting of the UDHR is reread to explore how power conflicts over values intersected when unique individuals met in dialogue characterized by conflicting consensuses rather than hegemonic Western domination. The concept of intersectional dialogue helps illustrate how people relate to different social affiliations, as power relations central to dialogue are not static but change with context, setting, and group dynamics. 相似文献
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Rebecca Strating 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2019,65(3):449-465
In recent years, maritime sovereignty disputes have become highly visible microcosms of broader contests between security orders in East Asia. Escalating tensions over seas provoke questions about how historical and territorial conceptions of sovereignty map onto maritime areas, and the continuing effectiveness of the so‐called “rules‐based order” in maintaining regimes for deciding jurisdiction of islands, rocks and other maritime land features. The paper examines sovereignty claims and the international law of the sea across various cases, including the contested claims over Dokdo/Takeshima, Senkaku/Diaoyu Dao and China's nine‐dash line. These case studies reveal the tensions between two legal regimes: territorial rules of acquisition (sovereignty) and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). This article concludes by considering the ways that the symbolic nature of these disputes has implications for the capacities of UNCLOS and other legal instruments in the US‐led “rules‐based order” to establish orderly relations among states in the maritime arena. 相似文献