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921.
Ann W. Burgess Timothy Baker Deborah Greening Carol R. Hartman Allen G. Burgess John E. Douglas Richard Halloran 《Journal of family violence》1997,12(4):389-403
An examination of data from 120 male and female batterers of varied age and marital, educational, and economic status, who attended group treatment for batterers or who were charged with domestic violence from January to February 1996 in a district court setting, produced the following findings: Stalkers tended to live alone, were less likely to be married, not living with children, and used more alcohol than nonstalkers. They also tended to have had a history of prior stalking offenses and of being abused themselves. Factor analysis found three stalking groupings: one in which discrediting was the key, a second revolving around love turning to hate, and a third with violent confrontation with the ex-partner. 相似文献
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W. Wesley Johnson R. Gregory Dunaway Velmer S. Burton James W. Marquait Steven J. Cuvelier 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》1994,18(1):79-93
The increased reliance on community-based correctional programs has been influenced by rising offender populations and the
need for states to lessen prison crowding. The ability of community-based corrections to provide rehabilitation, punishment,
reintegration, and counseling services has been an issue among both researchers and administrators. Some researchers have
asserted that community-based correctional programs have multiple or competing functions. This study examines 1992 legal codes
for all fifty states to determine the legally prescribed goals as mandated by state legislatures. The findings suggest that
rehabilitation is the primary legislatively mandated goal, and that most states have multiple purposes for handling offenders
in the community. Suggestions for future research in the area of community-based corrections goals are made. 相似文献
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Richard Boyd 《Political studies》2004,52(3):603-622
Contemporary treatments of 'civil society' have struggled to formulate clear and explicit criteria for determining which associations ought to count as part of a truly 'civil' society and, conversely, which other kinds of groups a liberal democracy would best avoid. Michael Oakeshott's idealized distinction between 'civil' association and 'enterprise' association may prove extremely helpful in sharpening these contemporary discussions of civil society. Rather than a conservative value with exclusionary and anti-democratic overtones, as many have alleged, the virtue of civility entails immanent inclusivity, democratic equality and the active recognition of others. Understanding civility in this way argues for both its normative and conceptual value in distinguishing the good from the bad in associational life. On the other hand, the contemporary literature on civil society draws attention to ambiguities in Oakeshott's thought that make his understanding of the liberal state, for better or worse, an improbable means of encouraging a rebirth of associational life. 相似文献
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